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Coast Guard Cutter Diligence crew returns to Wilmington after interdicting kilos of cocaine. Marine task force deploys to Central America. As part of the Beyond the Horizon humanitarian and civic assistance exercise, U. Air Force traveled to Lima, Peru as part of a subject matter expert exchange with the Peruvian air force May , During the five-day engagement, the U. Airmen worked closely with their Peruvian counterparts to share information on medical training, standards and evaluation, and public. David G. Bellon assumed command of U. Coast Guard offloads more than 18 tons of cocaine in Port Everglades. The crew of the Coast Guard Cutter Hamilton offloaded approximately Wyoming National Guard provides medical care in Belize. BTH is a U. Partnership and camaraderie, the key to fighting fires in Central America. An official website of the United States government Here's how you know. Official websites use. Department of Defense organization in the United States. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites. Skip to main content Press Enter. Home Media News. May 30, U. May 25, U. May 24, Maj. News Archives 94 58 1. Counter Threats. Build Our Team.

The Downward Spiral of the Northern Triangle in Central America

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Crime in Honduras has become a growing matter of concern for the Honduran population in recent years. Honduras has experienced alarmingly high levels of violence and criminal activity, \[ 1 \] with homicide rates reaching a peak in , averaging 20 homicides per day. The situation has prompted international organizations and governments to offer assistance in combating crime in Honduras. High murder rates have long plagued Honduras, which has been routinely classified as one of the most dangerous countries in the region. Many perpetrators of these crimes are young men between 15 and 34 years who are typically members of gangs like the Mara Salvatrucha MS or Barrio The majority of murders in Honduras often go unpunished, and if prosecutions occur at all, they typically involve only low-level gang members. Anonymous surveys conducted in suggested that extortionists had targeted over , Honduran households, a tactic used to threaten witnesses against cooperation with police. President Xiomara Castro has recognized the impact of gang extortion on hindering prosecutions, and has made it a centerpiece of her crackdown on organized crime. In addition to its very high overall murder rate, Honduras struggles as well with specifically targeted attacks against youths, women, and public figures—including politicians, journalists, activists, and judiciary workers. The Honduran Department of National Directorate of Criminal Investigation concluded that Mexican drug trafficking organizations were behind both efforts. Journalist David Meza was assassinated in March ; he investigated drug trafficking within Honduras and, according to the El Tiempo newspaper, received death threats in Honduran gangs and organized crime members, as well as some corrupt state agents continue to threaten journalists reporting on their actions, press freedom groups report. According to the Honduran College of Journalists, from to , at least 86 journalists have been killed in the country. Ninety-two percent of these killings remain unpunished today. Another issue that Honduras confronts as a result of gang violence and a high homicide rate is the murder of youths. Children living in Honduras, Guatemala, and El Salvador are ten times more likely to be murdered than a child living in the United States. As a result of organized crime, gang activity, and high rates of violence, boys born in Honduras experience a 1 in 9 chance of being murdered. Honduras is considered a major drug route to the US. Weak domestic law enforcement institutions make Honduras a popular point of entry for drug routes through Central America. In Matta-Ballesteros was taken from his home in Tegucigalpa by United States Marshals , sent to the United States for trial, and convicted of the kidnap and assassination of Enrique Camarena , as well as other charges. Many of these clans are assisted by Mexican cartels, who have gained increasing influence in Honduras and Central America following the Mexican drug war, which attempted to limit cartel activity in Mexico. A prominent factor behind the prevalence of drug trade in Honduras is corruption throughout the country across a variety of police forces and political positions. The extent of corruption within the police force has been highlighted by a former security chief who estimated that half the force has been corrupted by Mexican drug cartels. Recent Honduran efforts to uproot corruption have revealed corrupt members within the legislature, the judiciary branches, state law enforcement branches, and local state governments, all of whom were accused of collaborating with drug traffickers. In June , a new criminal code came into effect. This code also includes alternative punishments to detention for lower level crimes, including partial prison sentences and conditional releases. The U. He was extradited to the United States in April of , following Honduran court order in March of and is currently awaiting trial. The reform effectively grants immunity to criminals by prohibiting the charging of money laundering solely based on unexplained wealth. Critics argue that the reform was approved as part of a larger strategy to restrict and shield against future investigations. The move has sparked concern about the potential for increased money laundering activity and impunity for those involved. The revised law has resulted in the release of multiple individuals charged with laundering money for drug cartels. Additionally, several public officials have benefited from the reform, as their charges were dropped. This has raised questions about the motivations behind the reform, with critics alleging that it serves to provide immunity for those involved in illicit activities. The government's proposal to grant amnesty to officials who served under former President Manuel Zelaya has faced criticism, highlighting concerns about political immunity in the country. Major gang violence in Honduras can be traced back to the s, but severe issues of violence escalated significantly in the early s with the emergence of major gangs, which rose in prominence following an increase in the deportation of criminals back to Honduras. This deportation largely occurred after , when the United States passed the Illegal Immigration Reform and Immigrant Responsibility Act , which expedited the deportation process for those convicted of aggravated felonies. As of , scholars estimate there are roughly 12, gang members in Honduras. Members of the community who do not pay their 'war taxes' to the gangs for protection are threatened and often killed simply for their disobedience. In a survey, more than 32, businesses reported having had to close in the last six years because of extortion threats from gang violence. This program aims to curb gang recruitment and discourage youths from beginning a life of crime. There is limited data on the effectiveness of this program in Honduras. Crime is not spread around all the country. The main reason for the concentrated violence is that these are the cities where the majority of Mara Salvatrucha and Barrio 18 members live. Violence rises from fights between the gangs to see who gains control over these regions. Outside of these three main cities rate of homicides is much lower. In order to maintain control of territory and access to illicit markets, gangs will exercise extra-judicial authority over members of the public to create the feeling of unquestioned and complete control over local neighborhoods. The residents of these areas have reported to feel safer in these neighborhoods rather than in homicide hot spots, regardless of crimes like assaults, extortions or robbery still taking place. The rise of violence has had a considerable impact on Honduran migration. In the past, the reason behind Central Americans traveling to the U. Young men traveled in search of the American Dream and sent revenues to their families back in Honduras. Today the main causes of migration are violence and crime. Another aspect of Central American migration that has changed is that migrants are no longer primarily men, but also women, teenagers and even children. Whole families travel from Honduras to the U. For several years, Honduras sent more unaccompanied minors to the United States than any other Central American country. But since the murder rate began decreasing in , the number of children traveling alone has also been reduced by half. Therefore, Honduras is now third on the list of countries whence unaccompanied Central American minors fled, totaling around 18, in Organized crime continues to be a leading cause in the necessary emigration of targeted groups such as journalists, environmental activists, lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgenders individuals, along with disabled persons. These groups are targeted by cartel and gang violence and hence they have to flee the country in order to survive. There have been many challenges to crime prevention. The vulnerability of certain communities to violence has been attributed to a variety of societal-level factors. These factors include the shift in the transnational drug trade, which has increased the availability of drugs and firearms; rising unemployment rates; and the rapid urbanization of these communities. The combination of these factors has deepened their susceptibility to violence. Apart from societal-level factors, political and institutional context has also been far from ideal for crime prevention. The absence of a coherent and transparent system of governance at the local level, combined with inadequate and unreliable law enforcement and justice institutions at the national level, has impeded civic engagement and limited the availability of necessary resources and services, creating barriers to effective prevention efforts. Violence-induced fear and insecurity among the population has also been an obstacle for organizations focused on crime prevention, as there is barely any active or social participation to support these organizations. These issues are deeply entrenched and extend beyond the capacity of individual neighborhoods to address effectively. The reason behind the suspension of the aid is the corruption and human rights violations that the money causes when given to the military or the police. Other ways in which the aid has been distributed is through programs that identify children who present risk factors of joining gangs such as a violent family environment, drug or alcohol abuse or being a victim of crime and giving them counseling. Another tactic has been creating centers that promote vocational training, these institutions provide mentors to Hondurans, teaches them skills to become barbers, electricians or bakers and then helps them to find jobs. In addition to United States contributions, Honduras has also partnered with other Central American countries that deal with similar issues. Honduran police forces have been collaborating with Colombian, Mexican, and other Central American police forces; this bloc has been working to create a plan for unified police efforts against criminal activity. A similar program involving concordant anti-gang legislation across Central and South America has emerged as well. In Latin America, governments have historically responded with iron fist security strategies to combat organized crime and gang violence. Officials will implement tougher legislation and increase policing and mass detentions in order to show that there are consequences for joining these criminal entities. This special unit was created to fight gangs and organized crime. Security forces such as FNAMP have allegedly colluded with criminal groups and other state institutions, further contributing to the persistence of organized crime and gangs in Honduras. In , the Honduran government introduced the Mano Dura laws as part of a zero-tolerance policy aimed at reducing violence and strengthening public security. These laws heavily empowered police and imposed harsher penalties for many offenses, including permitting gang members to be incarcerated simply for gang association in the absence of any specific criminal act. Honduran police officers were authorized to arrest anyone at all related to gangs through indicators such as tattoos , baggy clothing, or even typical gang positions on street corners. To avoid being detected by police officers, members of gangs have been forced to change their territorial strategies. Since tattoos are such an easy way to identify a gang member, gangs have been forced to wear clothes covering their tattoos and to adopt a more casual appearance. Although these laws were introduced with the intention of reducing gang violence, there is little evidence to suggest that they have been effective. Aside from an initial reduction in crime, the laws have not managed to significantly address the problem. In fact, the Mano Dura laws have had some unintended consequences , resulting in many gang members attempting to seek protection with branches of their gang in other countries such as El Salvador. One year after the introduction of the Mano Dura, members of MS attacked a bus, killing 28 people and wounding They also threatened further violence, warning that 'people should take advantage of this Christmas, because the next one will be worse. Another reason the Mano Dura policies have struggled to accomplish their goals is that the prison system in Honduras is not built to accommodate the increased volume of incarcerated individuals. Prison overcrowding has made it easier for gangs to function as there are not enough guards in many prisons to safely monitor the prisoners. According to the Center for Prevention, Treatment and Rehabilitation of Victims of Torture and their Relatives CPTRT , there were 1, prison guards to attend to 10, inmates as of , giving each guard the nearly impossible task of tending to 8 inmates. With more freedom inside the prisons, gang leaders can control the sale of food, commodities, and even the reception of visitors. In addition, given the relative security of their position in prison, they can safely organize and plan their criminal strategies. Another concern raised about these laws is their potential to be arbitrarily manipulated by law enforcement officials. Since people can be arrested for simple tattoos or hand gestures , police have to be trusted to correctly and fairly prosecute gang members. This process has clogged the judicial system to the point that the defendants are not always afforded fair trials. Jaime Rosenthal 's family owned Banco Continental , then the eighth largest bank in Honduras, which on October 7, , had its assets frozen by the United States under the Foreign Narcotics Kingpin Designation Act on charges that they laundered money for drug traffickers. Rosenthal has rebutted these charges, claiming, 'we are sure that we will prevail in the trial because the accusations are false. The Cachiros group was run by the Rivera Maradiaga family who went on the run after being specifically targeted by the United States Department of the Treasury \[ 44 \] and in early , turned their top members in to US authorities. Honduran President Xiomara Castro declared a state of emergency on December 6, , in order to target gangs and other criminal organizations. This followed a similar strategy implemented earlier in the year by El Salvador that led to tens of thousands of arrests. The declaration temporarily suspended some rights and significantly bolstered police power, including by permitting authorities to restrict the movement and assembly of citizens, detain suspects more easily, and to conduct searches without a warrant. The state of emergency initially covered only the two largest cities, Tegucigalpa and San Pedro Sula, but President Castro expanded the declaration in January to include a total of cities and towns across the country. The first month of the emergency measures yielded arrests of suspected gang members, and there have been fewer murders recorded during the first two months of the emergency measures than the same time one year earlier. Contents move to sidebar hide. Article Talk. Read Edit View history. Tools Tools. Download as PDF Printable version. In other projects. Wikimedia Commons. Crime by type \[ edit \]. Murder \[ edit \]. Victims of violence \[ edit \]. Illegal drug trade \[ edit \]. Historical \[ edit \]. Transnational organized crime \[ edit \]. Impact of corruption \[ edit \]. Money laundering \[ edit \]. Gangs \[ edit \]. Regional variations \[ edit \]. Effects of crime on migration \[ edit \]. Crime prevention \[ edit \]. Mano Dura laws \[ edit \]. Banco Continental \[ edit \]. See also \[ edit \]. References \[ edit \]. Insight Crime. July Aggression and Violent Behavior. World Bank. Retrieved Observatorio de la Violencia. Archived from the original PDF on United States Institute of Peace. The New York Times. ISSN ISBN Columbia University. OCLC Fight and flight : tackling the roots of Honduras' emergency. Mark Ruhl Journal of Democracy. S2CID The Washington Post. InSight Crime. Gerardo Luis 9 June Latin American politics and society a comparative and historical analysis. October Journal of Peace Research. The World Bank. ProQuest The New Yorker. Journal of the Society for Latin American Studies. NBC News. Honduras articles. Outline Index. Virgin Islands. Category : Crime in Honduras. Hidden categories: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list CS1 errors: missing periodical CS1 Spanish-language sources es Articles with short description Short description is different from Wikidata. Outline Index Category Portal.

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