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The narcotics had been found on board the Vega Mercury, in a container full of frozen meat. The shipment reportedly started its journey in Brazil, then stopped in the Spanish ports of Las Palmas and Valencia before reaching Oran. It is reported that the Spanish authorities tipped off their Algerian counterparts. Chikhi was immediately arrested, along with three other members of the company. His eviction was linked to the fact that his personal chauffeur had been cited in the investigation. What did the seizure mean for Algeria, a country that has, up to now, not been seen as a strategic player in the African cocaine trade? First, it seems unlikely that the cocaine was intended to be consumed locally. Although the size of the national consumer base remains unknown, it is likely too small for such a vast amount of narcotics. It seems far more likely, therefore, that the cocaine was being transited through Algeria for final distribution in Europe and the Middle East. Second, it means this route — from Brazil to Spain and then Algeria Oran , including its final destination market — had no doubt been tested and carefully secured through smaller transactions. Before sending such large quantities, drug cartels typically secure routes and have in place strong local partners and final markets. This means that the Algerian traffickers who facilitated this operation are likely to have a well-established connection with cartels and intermediaries in South America. It is no coincidence that Oran was used as a transit port. A major commercial and passenger port located only km from Spain, Oran is strategically positioned for drug trafficking. The chemical characteristics of the Habibas seizure match those of several smaller confiscations made by the police in recent years. This suggests that the cocaine transiting via Algeria might be related to an exclusive supplier. Prior to the Oran operation, the most recent significant cocaine seizure occurred in , when kg was discovered at the Baraki port. In this instance, the narcotics had been concealed in a food container carrying powdered milk imported from New Zealand and transiting via Spain towards Algeria. It seems notable that both seizures occurred in port zones, in containers destined for Algerian shores. The recent cocaine bust in Algeria echoes a similar seizure in Morocco, where 2. In February , Moroccan authorities confiscated kilograms of cocaine in a cargo ship coming from Brazil and directed to Casablanca. Cocaine trafficking in the Maghreb has been at an all-time high since , suggesting the emergence of new routes. If traditionally narcotics from South America reach Africa from the west coast before being distributed in Europe and the Middle East, recent developments suggest that cocaine is increasingly transiting through the north-west coast. This trend seems to be facilitated by historical cannabis routes that start in Morocco. There is a proven connection between South American drug cartels and Moroccan cannabis traffickers , who in turn have strong networks in the northwest of Algeria. These alliances position North Africa as a very promising transit hub for cocaine trafficking. It offers an open window on three continents and close proximity to European consumer markets. Combatting this new trend calls for greater inter-regional and inter-continental cooperation against drug trafficking. Joint maritime operations aimed at curbing cocaine trafficking, such as the one recently conducted by Spain and Morocco, are highly recommended. Moreover, Algerian customs have to implement an effective policy to reinforce controls on imports that arrive on container ships. But above all, Algerian authorities have to go beyond this seizure, and interpret it as a warning that criminal networks are increasingly using the country as a cocaine transit zone. Kenya needs in-depth empirical research to better regulate muguka and miraa drug consumption amid calls for restrictions. This policy brief outlines regional drug use trends for based on data from 11 countries. Jihane Ben Yahia. Raouf Farrah. Drug trafficking To ban or to regulate muguka in Kenya?

Global initiative against transnational organized crime

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Africa is no stranger to cocaine trafficking. For about two decades, the continent has been used by drug-trafficking organizations seeking to transport their product securely from South America to the lucrative European consumer markets. West Africa and the Sahel have borne the brunt of the cocaine trade, which has spurred a rise in local addiction , corrupted institutions and hobbled governance. Cocaine trafficking continues, but the routes used by traffickers are changing. The three largest cocaine seizures recorded in the region this century occurred between and , including two in Morocco. They found kilograms of cocaine buried in a container of frozen meat. The Oran cocaine shipment can be traced to the Brazilian port of Santos, where, in April, a container with the hidden drugs was loaded aboard the MSC Amalfi. It was one of 15 containers of frozen meat. The shipment seemed routine, as Chikhi owned at least two meat import companies and had contracted with a Brazilian company over the last seven years for halal meat. The containers were offloaded in Valencia, Spain, on 23 May, where they were reportedly searched by Spanish police and customs officials. The results of this search are unknown, but Spanish authorities allowed the containers to be loaded onto a second vessel, the Vega Mercury , which then departed for Algeria. But it did not end there — a number of others were implicated, including prosecutors, the son of a former Algerian prime minister, and a driver for the national police chief , General Abdelghani Hamel, who was dismissed from duty by the president. The Chikhi affair has already led to the removal of some powerful figures, most notably Hamel, an ally of and potential successor to President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, and Major General Habib Chentouf, an army officer seen as a potential successor to the current army chief of staff. The size of the shipment suggests that the trafficking route connecting South America to Europe via Algeria is already well established. There is a risk that this route, as well as those through Morocco and other North African countries, will become more popular for traffickers in the coming years. This is due to various factors. Numerous logistics links — planes, ferries and commercial ships — connect the southern rim of the Mediterranean to the southern edge of Europe, with large numbers of people and volumes of goods moving between the two on a daily basis. These licit transport links offer significant benefits to drug traffickers, who, as in the Chikhi affair, can hide drug shipments among other commodities. Traffickers are also being driven to North Africa because of the growing risks they face along the established trafficking routes through the Sahel and the Sahara. In recent years, the number of armed groups, including terrorists, insurgents and militias, operating in areas transected by these routes has steadily risen. International actors, including the French, Americans and the UN, have consequently deployed in the region, focusing surveillance there. Neither the lucrative Europe cocaine market nor conflict in the Sahel and Sahara is likely to change significantly in the near future. Hence, there is a distinct likelihood that cocaine trafficking through North Africa will continue, and probably increase, in the years to come. In other areas in which cocaine traffickers have operated, such as Central America and West Africa, the impact of the trade on local communities and states has been significant. This is also likely to be the case in North Africa, though the threats are unlikely to be violent in nature, or even highly visible. Instead, the main impact of cocaine is likely to be the corrupting effect it will have on regional governments. Work by Global Initiative experts has underscored the corrosive impact that trafficking of cocaine has had on governments in Guinea-Bissau , Mali and Niger , sparking institutional decay, contestation among powerful figures over the narco-dividends and, in some cases, the direct involvement of state officials in drug trafficking. While profound political and socio-economic differences exist between West African and North African states, that does not render the latter immune to the risk of significant narco-corruption. But it goes further — the Chikhi affair seems to have become a pretext for high-level competition within the authorities, used by those in power to move against or sideline potential competitors. If cocaine trafficking continues to be a feature in the North African region, it is likely that such institutional impacts of the trade will increase in severity and frequency. It is essential that North African governments also prepare themselves to deal with local rising cocaine or crack use. Currently, few Algerians or Moroccans use the drug. South American cocaine traffickers, however, often pay local assistants in cocaine — a portion of which often gets sold on into the domestic market. In a number of transit countries, this has spiked local consumption levels. Due to the potential risks associated with cocaine trafficking, it is important for North African states and the broader international community to maintain strategic alertness on the issue, and be ready to systematically address a range of potential threats associated with cocaine trafficking. Governments must not presume that the Maghreb is an exception to the risk of narco-corruption, government corrosion or cocaine addiction. The cost to the region could be very high. Instead, they should strategically plan to address the worst — and act accordingly. Author s Matt Herbert. Posted on 21 Sep Cocaine and corruption in North Africa: Looking ahead In other areas in which cocaine traffickers have operated, such as Central America and West Africa, the impact of the trade on local communities and states has been significant. Related analysis.

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