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As is common in other vacation destinations throughout Mexico, the wealth generated by tourism in the city has also made it an extortion and money laundering hotspot. Politicians and organized crime are historically well-connected in Acapulco, and groups also maintain significant influence over the construction sector, Falko Ernst, senior Mexico analyst at the International Crisis Group, told InSight Crime. There is poor oversight and many ways to twist the accounts. Formerly a prominent destination for foreign tourists, Acapulco has suffered economically from years of drug trafficking-related violence. Criminal groups have historically used disasters to increase their foothold in Mexican communities, and groups in Acapulco are likely to do the same. After floods in the state of Zacatecas in , the CJNG distributed aid to affected communities while the Mexican government was absent. The COVID crisis also provided an opportunity for criminal groups to engage in a bit of public relations while also cementing their local governance. InSight Crime reported in how groups such as the Gulf Cartel , the Zetas, and the Viagras , took advantage of the situation to distribute food and post about their efforts on social media. Subscribe to our newsletter to receive a weekly digest of the latest organized crime news and stay up-to-date on major events, trends, and criminal dynamics from across the region. We go into the field to interview, report, and investigate. We then verify, write, and edit, providing the tools to generate real impact. Skip to content. Stay Informed With InSight Crime Subscribe to our newsletter to receive a weekly digest of the latest organized crime news and stay up-to-date on major events, trends, and criminal dynamics from across the region. Our work is costly and high risk. Please support our mission investigating organized crime.
Operation Acapulco: The true story of how a ton of cocaine was smuggled from Colombia into Russia into the hands of the Mayor of St. Petersburg, Anatoly Sobchak.
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Acapulco epitomises the in security of urban zones in the Americas whose geographical, political and economic divisions are exacerbated by the political economy and geopolitics of drug trafficking, as well as by militarised attempts to fight it. Various geographic, political, and economic factors in the Acapulco Metropolitan Zone AMZ have impacted drug trafficking and organised crime and contributed to high levels of violence. As a result, Acapulco now ranks among the 50 most violent cities in the world. This article analyses the trends in drug trafficking and organised crime in the AMZ, and highlights the lessons for scholars and policy-makers. Lanham: Lexington Books. Drogas sin Fronteras. Mexico: Del Bolsillo. However, International Relations scholars have paid little attention to other Mexican regions that are increasingly caught up in the dynamics of drug trafficking. This article aims to fill this gap by examining the dynamics of drug trafficking and its repression in the city of Acapulco in the south-eastern state of Guerrero. One of the major blind spots in the contemporary literature about international security is its lack of attention to the relationship between cities and warfare. Despite the historical connection between cities and warfare since the beginning of human settlement, the emergence of the modern state in Europe in the late Middle Ages pushed security and defensive limits out to state borders Giddens ; Tilly ; Ashworth ; Graham Giddens, Anthony. Nation-state and Violence Vol. Since , urban warfare has become increasingly related to insurgency and counter-insurgency that have reclaimed matters of security in the colonial world including the anti-French insurrection in Algeria in the late s and early s , the post-colonial world including the urban guerrillas in Latin America during the s and s , and industrialised countries including the Irish Republican Army bombings in the United Kingdom. In recent years, urban terrorism has been added to this array of challenges Shawn ; Ashworth Shawn, Martin. Malden: Blackwell Publishing, pp. In the post-Cold War era, warfare in urban spaces has included confrontations among armed forces, peacekeepers, and various non-state actors, such as those on the streets of Sarajevo and Mogadishu. States of Violence: an essay on the end of war. As Graham 3 has noted:. Similarly, political violence is now fuelled and sustained by transnational networks that can be global and local at the same time. Against this background, we will seek to identify a pattern that will help to describe and explain the urban violence associated with drug trafficking in urban spaces in the Americas. Acapulco epitomises the contemporary in security dynamics of urban zones in the Americas in which existing geographic, political, and economic boundaries and cleavages are being reinforced by the political economy and geopolitics of drug trafficking, as well as by militarised attempts to fight it. Given this, we decided to examine the data sources and methods of classification underpinning these lists. It also includes members of the judiciary, namely prosecutors, representatives of the penal system, and the police. Therefore, this body represents role players whose interests are significantly more contextual than those of civil servants, whose liabilities last for a lifetime and follow them on a daily basis, and who tend to be less prone to manipulate data for short-term political gain than the former. INEGI accounts for homicides, not for the number of investigations that are opened, basing their data on thorough inspections of the administrative archives of homicide reports. Until , Acapulco was not even among the 50 most violent cities in the world. As Table 1 shows, after entering the ranking in , the homicide rate decreased once again, but not enough to return to pre levels. The reasons for this trend are addressed in Section II of this article. The south-western Mexican state of Guerrero used to be known for its natural beauty, including high mountain peaks and a delightful coast. In the s, the city of Acapulco was a top tourist destination, with its white beaches frequented by Hollywood movie stars and US jet-setters. Celebrities bought beachfront mansions and even hotels in the city. However, this seemingly idyllic status swiftly changed into a considerably less hedonistic one. Natural beauty was not necessarily what brought tourists to this Mexican city. The bucolic atmosphere resulted from a combination of geography and demography in a specific era in the international political economy of drug trafficking. Population geography, as a subfield of human geography, places demographics in a geographic context. The impact of demographic cycles on territory has been studied from several perspectives Plane Plane, David A. Population, Space and Place, 10 4 : — In the s, in a demographic transition similar to those in many Latin American cities, its population grew by In the 21st century, the rates have tended to stabilise. Demographic transitions involve increasing birth rates and slowing death rates, overlapping in developing countries with processes of urbanisation. Goldstone 12 lists economic development, regime type, and leadership as contextual elements that help to explain the impact of demographic transitions on urban violence. While not explicitly cited, the geopolitical and political-economic dynamics of drug trafficking are among those elements. Journal of International Affairs, 56 1 : Guerrero, which is one of the poorest states in Mexico, is defined by high levels of poverty, corruption, and impunity, which have created the conditions for drug trafficking organisations to operate. In recent years, these scenarios have also fostered processes of radicalisation that have significantly contributed, for example, to the current face of urban violence in Latin America, as well as terrorism activities in the Western world Mathieu and Tolosa ; Lyon In the s, these authors focused attention on the transfer of rural practices to urban spaces during high levels of rural-urban migration. Figures 1 and 2 record the incidence of violent crime in the AMZ in and The concentration of crime in the metropolitan zones of Colonias Zapata, Renacimiento, Jardines, and Coloso clearly illustrate this process of involution, and its results in terms of violent crime. When analysing these maps, it is important to bear in mind the displacement of violent crime throughout the city following the deployment of federal repressive forces. This displacement will be analysed in the second section of this article, which addresses the recent militarisation of the war on drugs in Acapulco. Criminology also helps us to understand why Acapulco epitomises the contemporary in security dynamics of urban zones in the Americas. Considering the economic features of the new metropolitan involution and its visible and intangible boundaries are also helpful in this analysis. For Bursik and Grasmick:. The presumed relationship between economic deprivation and the number of crimes committed by residents of a particular neighborhood is one of the lasting legacies of the research \[ Nevertheless, despite the indirect nature of its effect on crime rates, the economic composition of local urban communities was the key ecological factor that set in operation the dynamics associated with social disorganisation Bursik and Grasmick Journal of International Affairs, 35 1 : The diminished role of Mexican DTOs did not mean that the US war on drugs or the repressive policies of the Mexican state had succeeded, but that the drug economy had been reshaped, notably by the rise of Andean cocaine interests in the United States and Western Europe, which displaced the core of this illegal activity to South America Marcy Marcy, William L. The politics of cocaine: how the U. Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books. Moreover, politicians and police officials in Acapulco had grown accustomed to the lure of narco-dollars Lupsha The demographic transition and the advent of drug trafficking in Acapulco added to the herd behaviour that drew tourists away from the city. At that time, whether in the form of narco-dollars or anti-narco-dollars, drug trafficking could be associated with progress and even glamour. On the other hand, it has led to strategies of militarisation aimed precisely at neighbourhoods of the new metropolitan involution, transporting borders traditionally associated with international security to the friend-enemy scheme within the city. This output is aimed primarily at markets in the United States and Canada, and secondarily at the Mexican market, consisting not only of Mexicans but also gringo tourists. Mexico: Grijabo-Proceso. Zero, Zero, Zero. New York: Penguin Random House. In an environment of illegality, this often leads to violent disputes and the exercise of control over local populations, via coercion as well as patronage, in order to retain the conquered territories Rodrigues and Labate Rodrigues, Thiago and Beatriz Caiuby Labate. Cham: Springer, pp. The first is the production level , where many illegal actors undertake the production of raw materials i. The second is the oligopoly level , where a small number of DTOs with major resources large sums of money, institutional penetration, chemical expertise, political influence, and contact with international logistical networks , refine the raw drugs into more valuable forms i. Instead, the notorious Colombian DTOs of the s operated as oligopolies, without explicit or durable centralisation, which led to agreements among them on how to secure their operations in Colombia as well as their transnational connections with major wholesale DTOs, such as the Italian mafia Krauthausen and Sarmiento These groups control the urban areas of the new metropolitan involution, and tend towards fierce territorial conflicts among themselves aimed at securing their exclusive territories and preserving the confidence of the wholesale DTOs. They argue that competition over illegal markets tends to be violent, since there is no legitimate actor capable of persuading, inducing, or coercing the parties involved to maintain peace. The second phase tends to be less violent. Given a subtle balance among a smaller number of DTOs capable of penetrating, corrupting, and controlling state apparatuses and some sectors of the formal economy, the major players act as kingpins, as successful and feared business people, who prefer to negotiate and to corrupt rather than to fight each other. Until the s, Mexican DTOs occupied a secondary position in the political economy of drug trafficking in the Americas, behind the Colombian cartels. Until then, Mexican DTOs were also less fragmented, while dedicated to the production of heroin and marijuana for a limited share of the US market, mainly smuggling Colombian cocaine into the United States. The volatility of these organisations has altered the previous established illegal connections with local politicians, entrepreneurs, economic elites, land owners, local populations, and local police forces. The open competition among small and unstable DTOs has intensified the violent dispute over territory as well as social, political and economic influence. This situation has become even more complex and violent since federal forces began to combat the DTOs in Guerrero, focusing on Acapulco. There are major DTOs, such as the Gulf cartel, the Sinaloa cartel, Los Zetas and the La Familia Michoacana, which rule vast urban and rural areas while controlling the production of raw materials as well as refined drugs. Furthermore, these organisations have the capacity to corrupt politicians, business people, police, and military officers. Therefore, the operation of Mexican DTOs can be viewed as a hybrid oligopolistic-competitivemodel comprisingconstant confrontation, fleeting alliances, struggles to survive, and efforts to expand illegal activities. Table 2 reflects the growth in homicides that turned Acapulco into one of the five most violent cities in the world. As a result, Mexico returned to the core of the political economy and geopolitics of drug trafficking in the Americas. The balloon effect is at the core of the shifting priorities in the international political economy of drug trafficking at the start of the 21 st century. Nevertheless, drug trafficking and violence skyrocketed during his administration Carpenter ; Grillo , with organised crime groups fighting among each other over territory and drug routes Watt and Zepeda ; Jones Washington, D. He distinguished himself from the previous government by focusing less on the discourse of the drug war and more on social reform — a strategy that has not been very successful. Indeed, Semple Semple, Kirk. The New York Times, December The latter incident drew international attention to the state of Guerrero and its increasing levels of urban violence. Beyond notions developed by Zaverucha Zaverucha, Jorge. Discipline and Punish: the Birth of Prison. Alan Sheridan. New York: Vintage Books. October, In this context, militarisation is not only related to the use of force, but also to a particular mindset, distinguishable within public security policies as well as among civil society — as demonstrated by the diffusion of restrained urban areas, walls and electronic monitoring, and the widespread use of private security companies for personal and property protection. The increasing conflation of public safety, national security and international security is one of the most intensively discussed issues in contemporary IR literature Gros ; Kaldor ; Bigo ; Feldman ; Rodrigues forthcoming. The identification, by politicians and others, of transnational non-state actors, such as terrorist organisations and DTOs, as major threats to security reinforces the articulation between internal and external security practices, which further blurs the separation of the national and the international, the police and the military. Neocleous Neocleous. War Power, Police Power. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Foucault Foucault, Michel. Security, Territory, Population. Editor Michel Senellart; Transl. Graham Burchell. New York: Picador. According to Foucault Foucault, Michel. Politics and the state, then, would be pervaded by conflict, since governmental practices comprise complex tactics seeking the production of certain social behaviours, mindsets, discipline, and order. In this sense, the political is not synonymous with peace but with pacification i. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Bearing in mind that the Homicide Monitor data on Mexico is biased by the interests of agents directly involved in the decision to militarise the campaign against drug trafficking in urban areas, it is not hard to infer why it opts to report records of judicial inquiries, which tends to underplay the number of homicides, since there are cases in which one inquiry accounts for several homicides — a particular flaw in the case of the post-militarisation AMZ — instead of establishing how many homicides occurred in the course of a given incident or investigation. Since the militarisation of the fight against drug trafficking in Acapulco in October , the Homicide Monitor has provided the following data:. The difference between the average homicide rate is relatively slight when compared to the differences between the medians. This is alarming, as it shows that the samples differ significantly in terms of the concentration of homicide rates per year. In both samples, homicide rates decrease from until , yet the level of decrease is strikingly different. It is possible to infer that public agencies which are subject to electoral processes and are responsible for negotiating with foreign role players about issues surrounding drug trafficking in Mexico are more prone to maximising the positive impacts of militarisation on homicide rates in urban areas than public agents who are regionally bound, avoiding at least some of the local pressures to portray data in certain ways, besides being disconnected from the decision-making process of militarisation. Furthermore, while the internal variations in homicide rates in and are relatively similar, there are significant differences in the rates of decrease in Since the Homicide Monitor sample focuses on opened investigations, it is possible to infer that, following the early years of militarisation, when homicide rates increased with the entrance of yet another armed actor in the urban violence surrounding drug trafficking in Acapulco, this became normalised under the paradigm of a new urban militarism Graham Graham, Stephen. Cities under Siege: the new military urbanism. In the case of the Homicide Monitor sample, this normalisation follows a significant drop in homicide rates. Given that the CCSPJP rates are significantly higher, this points to a concentration of violent incidents, which in both cases, albeit to different degrees, can be deemed a result of normalisation. Figures 1 and 2 corroborate this, as they depict a decrease in violent incidents throughout the AMZ as well as a concentration of these incidents in areas of metropolitan involution. As Graham Graham, Stephen. When this propaganda emphasises the reduction of violence through the legitimate use of force, it tends to disguise what Neocleous Neocleous. Also, when this data glorifies the tactics of discipline and control that further diffuse the existence of constricted areas within metropolitan zones, it lends credibility as well as efficiency to the normalisation of segregation through other technological means, such as walls, electronic monitoring, and private security companies. Since processes of otherness are deeply entrenched in perceptions of the other, the data adds to a set of beliefs that tends to vary according to the identity of the individual or group. In a city, these individuals and groups are generally bound to certain territories, demarcated by spatial divisions that are enforced and reinforced by all the parties involved in drug trafficking conflicts. Even though, in the 21st century, social media can help to overcome social segregation, practices of militarisation still rely on physical borders to highlight otherness, as restrained urban areas, both for their potential threat and for their potential as targets, not rarely portray walls — some made of barricades; others, of glass and surveillance — marking down differences and limitations, friendship and animosity, inside and outside. Maps provide a helpful visual representation of the territorial dynamics of a given phenomenon. In this instance, Figures 1 and 2 are particularly relevant as territoriality is intrinsic to geography, economics, and geopolitics. The hotels and other properties of s and s fame are on the right side of the bay, where tourist activity and wealthy residential areas are still concentrated. The pins are concentrated in the areas of metropolitan involution, and helped to make Acapulco the second most violent city in the world in that year. Implemented from October onwards by federal police and Mexican military forces in the AMZ, Operation Guerrero Seguro brought back the counter-narco-dollars to the state. As Figure 2 shows, the federal police and military forces successfully reduced the size of the area of involution in which these crimes against life were concentrated. However, the number of casualties only stabilised in relation to the peak months preceding the operation. Therefore, it could be argued that although DTOs, the police, and the military did not confront each other over as large an area, or as frequently, the level of violence and perhaps of weapons sophistication and mortality , tended to increase. The intangible geographic, political and economic boundaries between these areas and those of metropolitan involution explain why the spread of crime into these elite neighbourhoods are crimes against property rather than crimes against life. These dynamics represent an institutionalised, visible boundary separating the subject from the object, reifying the inhabitants and territories of involuted metropolitan regions whose lives then do not matter, at least not as much as those of the elites and their possessions. Due to these policies, violence increased in urban centres that were previously secondary to the political economy and the geopolitics of drug trafficking. Moreover, the process of otherness that had developed visible and intangible social boundaries within these areas guaranteed fertile grounds for DTOs, as well as for the militarisation of the campaign against them. There are two possible explanations for the high levels of violence following the deployment of the federal police and military forces. One is that both forces tend to elevate the deadly range of weaponry used by all sides of the conflict. Another is that these forces simply act as peacekeepers, with a mandate to combat people on all sides of the dispute, which leads to increases in homicides. In line with this, the influence of DTOs from other Mexican states in Acapulco also increased, adding more complexity and violence to the regional dynamics. The deployment of the federal police and military forces did not avert the proliferation of struggles among DTOs, or reverse the problem of high homicide rates by containing the violence in certain geographic areas. The federal police and armed forces simply began to play a symbolic role in the social imaginary, addressing the fears harboured by one group about another. The potential violence of the process of otherness is aggravated in Acapulco by its place in the political economy and geopolitics of drug trafficking in the Americas, cycles and fluxes that add up to the animosity of the otherness constructed geographically, economically, and politically in the AMZ. When, in October , urban militarisation was added to these variables, Acapulco entered the ranks of the 50 most violent cities in the world. Debates about the methods used to compile data about homicides in Acapulco in particular and Mexico in general have led to findings about the political attitudes inherent to portraying the data of various institutions. It has also allowed us to trace certain spatial trends that feed into the production of new boundaries in the city. The real estate market, for example, has benefited from the territorial concentration of violent incidents following the militarisation of the war on drugs in Acapulco, since it has profited from the gentrification of formerly violent regions Paley Among others pointed out in this study, this trend provides a clue for researches who seek to trace the effects of the militarisation of the campaign against drug trafficking in urban spaces. Open menu Brazil. Contexto Internacional. Open menu. Abstract Resumo English Resumo Portuguese. Text EN Text English. Abstract Acapulco epitomises the in security of urban zones in the Americas whose geographical, political and economic divisions are exacerbated by the political economy and geopolitics of drug trafficking, as well as by militarised attempts to fight it. As Graham 3 has noted: it is no longer adequate to theorise cities as local, bounded sites that are separated from the rest of the world. Table 2 Violent deaths in Guerrero by month, and Table 3 Homicide Monitor data for the City of Acapulco, Table 4 Comparison of average and median homicide rates. Measurement and Analysis of Crime and Justice. Bagley, Bruce. Bigo, Didier. Security: a new framework for analysis. Carpenter, Ted Galen. Corva, Dominic. Feldman, Allen. Freeman, Laurie and Jorge Luis Sierra Buenos Aires: Biblos, pp. Foucault, Michel. Gallegos, Zorayda, Giddens, Anthony. Goldstone, Jack A. Graham, Stephen. Drug Violence in Mexico: Data and Analysis through San Diego: University of San Diego. Jones, Nathan P. Washington D. Kaldor, Mary. Cambridge: Polity Press. Krauthausen, Ciro and Luis Sarmiento. Kyle, Chris. Labrousse, Alain and Laurent Laniel. The World Geopolitics of Drugs. Dordrecht: Springer. Langton, Jerry. Gangland: the rise of the Mexican cartels from El Paso to Vancouver. Ottawa: HarperCollins. Lupsha, Peter A. Lyon, David. Marcy, William L. Mathieu, Hans and Saruy Tolosa eds. Plane, David A. Ravelo, Ricardo. Mexico: Grijalbo. Rodrigues, Thiago. Politics is Warfare: Agonism and International Relations. Rodrigues, Thiago and Beatriz Caiuby Labate. Rosen, Jonathan and Roberto Zepeda. Sabet, Daniel M. Police Reform in Mexico: informal politics and the challenge of institutional change. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Semple, Kirk. Shawn, Martin. Shirk, David. Drug Violence in Mexico: Data and Analysis from Southern Pulse. Acapulco Criminal Environment. At www. Stone, Hannah. The Economist. Tilly, Charles. Cambridge: Basil Blackwell. Walker, RBJ. Zaverucha, Jorge. Publication Dates Publication in this collection Dec History Received 29 Apr Accepted 18 June This is an open-access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License. He specialises in the study of drug trafficking and International Relations theory. He specialises in the study of neoliberalism, migration, labour unions, and narcotrafficking. Figures 2 Tables 4. Source: Southern Pulse Year Rank Homicides Population Rate per inhabitants 4 1 ,92 2 1 ,88 3 ,80 3 ,16 4 ,73 2 , Year Number of homicides Population Rate per inhabitants 1 ,9 1 ,3 ,3 70,5 ,2. Source: Homicide Monitor. Stay informed of issues for this journal through your RSS reader. PDF English. Google Google Scholar.
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