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This paper used publicly available data, such as the analysis of court cases to make a profile of those convicted for cannabis cultivation in Albania. There are multiple reports on drugs and organized crime in Albania which provide information on the seizures of illicit substances, law enforcement operations and organized criminal groups. Reports position Albanian organized crime groups in the international drug market. However, there is little or no data on who the actual producers are. There are no household studies or crop monitoring surveys for Albania, resulting in a big data gap around drug crop cultivation. Despite the availability of public data on the prosecution of drug-related crimes, there is no sound analysis and profiling of cannabis growers, such as their educational level, employment status, income level, gender or living conditions. Where does illicit cannabis cultivation take place, indoors or outdoors, and to what extent? Is cultivation taking place in privately owned or public fields? How big is the area of land where cannabis is cultivated, and with how many plants? The purpose of this paper is to identify the cannabis hotspots of Albania and the profile of those who illicitly cultivated cannabis between —, taking into account their age, gender, civil status, educational level, income level etc. In order to understand the drug cultivation in Albania, a historical snapshot will be presented. For this paper, all publicly available data was used, together with analyses of court cases, to gain a better understanding of the profile of those who cultivate cannabis, making this research unique for Albania. This paper presents new evidence for policy makers to address the root causes of illicit cultivation of cannabis in Albania. This paper reconfirms the thesis that those involved in drug crop cultivation are driven by economic factors, lack of market access, lack of education and lack of access to social services. There are various reasons why Albania plays a role in the European drug market. With its Mediterranean climate and rich in water, Albania has the right conditions for the cultivation of cannabis. Its geographical location, climate, and the increased demand both in local and international markets create the conditions needed for the cultivation and trafficking of narcotics in and through Albania Council of Ministers The Albanian legal framework regulated drugs for the first time in , before that cultivation and production of narcotic drugs were not recognized nor regulated by law in Albania, while the conventions on drugs were ratified in Albania is a civil law country and drug related crimes are regulated by the Albanian Criminal Code and Criminal Procedural Code. Both cultivation of narcotics 1 and production and sales of narcotics 2 are considered crimes and subject to a penalty of three to twenty years in prison depending on whether the crime is committed in person or in collaboration. Drug related crimes conducted in collaboration are punished more than twice as heavily as crimes committed by individuals alone, while there is no difference in punishment based on the seizure size of the drugs subject to the charge. The same penalty applies for any seizure size, both for cultivation and for sales of narcotics. Punishment for cultivation of narcotics is lower than that for trafficking and sales. When it comes to consumption of narcotic substances for personal use, that is not punishable in Albania Article Criminal Code of The Republic of Albania. After the Second World War Albania entered one of the most severe communist regimes and was an isolated country until , with no private property, very limited international relations and trade. During that time there is no evidence of illicit drug trafficking or cultivation of cannabis. After the fall of communism in , Albania suffered a transitional period of high migration, instable economy, weak law enforcement, and a weak justice system. Unemployment became the new standard, leaving many Albanians with no money and no skill to find a job. All of this made illegal activities very attractive. In the early s the first cannabis cultivation was reported. All the instability created from the change of the political, social, and economic system resulted in a collapse of the financial system and the collapse of the state in , with civilians breaking into military warehouses robbing them of munitions and military equipment, and marking a new era for Albanian criminality. While the local environment was perfect for criminal activity to flourish, Albanian ethnic groups from ex-Yugoslav republics appeared in international reports as being settled in Europe and became increasingly known for their expanding role in the trafficking of heroin and other illicit drugs EMCDDA Since then, Albania continues to appear in international reports as a country of origin for cannabis, as well as a transit route for heroin and cocaine, again through Italy and Greece to Europe. There are very little statistics of cultivation in Albania during that time. As opposed to the tendencies in the neighbouring countries, cultivation was and still is mostly for export purposes. There are multiple reports of drugs and organized crime in Albania which provide information on the seizures, law enforcement operations, and organized criminal groups. The reports referred to above place Albanian organized crime groups in the international drug market. However, there is little or no data on who the actual producers of cannabis are. There are no household studies or crop monitoring surveys for Albania. There is a big data gap around drug cultivation. Despite the availability of public data on the prosecution of drug-related crimes, there is no sound analysis and profiling of cannabis growers, such as educational level, employment status, income level, gender or living conditions. Where does cultivation take place, in the cultivation indoors or outdoors, and to what extent? The purpose of this paper is to identify the profile of those who cultivate cannabis in Albania, taking into account their age, gender, civil status, educational level, income level etc. The first part will explain the methodology used to identify the hotspots of cannabis cultivation, the profile of the cannabis growers, and the limitations of the study. The second part of the paper will give an overview of drug related crime and seizures size, trends and fluctuation from to The analyses will deepen in two historical moments of cannabis cultivation in Albania. The third part will try to identify the cannabis cultivation hotspots, by drawing a map based on the number of criminal proceedings for the charges of cultivation of narcotics. The fourth part will focus on drawing a profile of those charged for cannabis cultivation. The analyses will identify age groups, gender, family status, economic conditions, education, previous criminal records, and income. The fifth part will focus on the characteristic of the cannabis farm, size, number of plants etc. The paper will close with recommendations and conclusions. Based on the conclusions, public policy interventions can be designed and built on evidence and increased knowledge in the future. To draw the profile of the people who are sentenced with the charges of cultivation of narcotic drugs, the research uses both qualitative and quantitative data, collected from primary and secondary sources in a descriptive form. The objective of the paper is to identify the profile of those who are involved in the cultivation of cannabis, typology of the cannabis farms, and cannabis cultivation hotspots. Albanian institutions have not published an official map of cannabis cultivating areas. After identifying the hotspots of cultivation, a profile of the cannabis grower will be drawn by a descriptive analysis of court cases. The selection of the court cases was done by using purposive sampling, selecting court cases from the drug cultivating hotspots. The court cases are all public, 3 and were examined in compliance with data protection regulations. The information gained from the court cases will be analysed both with qualitative and quantitative research methods. The hotspots will be identified by checking which of the Albanian regions has the higher percentage of persons charged for cannabis cultivation charges. The information on persons charged for drug related crimes, both cultivation and trafficking, has been extracted from the General Prosecutor Office for the years — and has been processed with Microsoft Excel. The hotspots maps are designed with the chart function of Microsoft Excel. The profile of the cannabis growers will be identified by examining court cases from — Two criteria were used for the selection of the court cases: a the profile of the region, and b availability of data. For the purpose of this paper the selection of the regions was determined by the role they play in the drugs market. Two of the regions were selected as hotspot regions Shkodra and Vlora , those having the highest number of people charged with cultivation of narcotics, and one of the regions covers Tirana, the capital city. Tirana is chosen to check the consistency of the data. Not all district courts have uploaded their cases online for public viewing, so the selection of regions also depends on the available data. The selected regions have more cases publicly available, also due to the fact that drug related crimes play an important role in those regions. The court cases have been examined and the information collected is entered, coded and processed in Microsoft Excel. The geography of the cases is as follows: 27 cases are from Tirana, 11 from Vlora and 65 cases from Shkodra. Other sets of data are those related to the characteristics of the cannabis plantation, such as: size of seizure, number of plants eradicated, size of the parcel, indoor vs outdoor cultivation, cultivation in protected area, deforestation connected with the creation of the parcel, land ownership, etc. The last set of data is related to court charges and other crimes such as: cost for the court procedure, mitigation measures, other charges in the same court process, final court decision whether declared innocent or guilty, length of sentence, or probation service sentence. The selection of the cases was restricted by the availability of the cases. Even if all Albanian courts have a digital database, not all of the court cases are published online regularly. This restricts the results of the study to be applicable to only those cases part of the sample. The study examines the profiles of those who are charged for the cannabis cultivation but does not study those who do cultivate but do not end up in court. As shown also by the statistics of the Prosecutors Office, those who end up in court are the cannabis farmers and not those who provide the seed or organize the trafficking. For that, it is not possible from the examined court cases to get information on the other parts of the chain, neither involvement of women nor of other groups. A limitation of the method used to draw the cultivation map is that more arrests in one area do not necessarily mean more cultivation takes place there, but only that more law enforcement is being carried out in that area. One of the limitations in processing the court cases is that the information is not standardized. Therefore, only the available information is processed, and the average is extrapolated from the available data for the specific variable. Table 1 shows the available data for each of the selected variables. Drug-related crimes play an important part in the criminal activity in Albania, being the most or the second most common crime in the last decade. The most common crime offence related to drugs is production and sales of narcotics, followed by cultivation of narcotics Figure 1. Source: General Prosecutor Office of Albania yearly report — , interpreted by the author. As seen in the graph, there is a decline in charges of cultivation of narcotics after , but not those on production and sales. This reconfirms that the burden of drug-related crimes remained with the person who was arrested, but also might explain that the cultivation and trafficking is done by individuals who get involved in illegal activity in no organized way. The same presumption is used also in the Albanian legal framework, where the cultivator has the lower punishment, with the presumption that those who cultivate are farmers driven by economic factors. For the selected time period there is no one convicted for the charge of organizing and leading a criminal organization, 5 putting the farmer and the salespersons to carry the burden of all drug-related crimes in Albania. There is a strong correlation of the crime frequency and the court cases related to that crime. Twenty years after the fall of communism, Albania became a known hotspot of cannabis cultivation. In , the Italian Guardia di Finanzia, using air supervision, satellites and desk research, estimated that the main cannabis hotspot of the time, the village of Lazarat in the Gjirokastra region alone had the capacity to produce tons of cannabis a year, with a market value of 4. However, there is no real evidence of how much cannabis was produced and processed in Lazarat before police entered the village in and stopped the cultivation and production of narcotics. In the Albanian police undertook major eradication interventions, destroying all over Albania a total of , plants. Police operations were mostly focused in the two main areas known for cannabis cultivation, Lazarat and Dukagjin in the Shkodra region. As a result of the operations, 71 tons of cannabis were seized in Lazarat alone, , cannabis plants were destroyed, and Everyone living in the village of Lazarat was dependent on the cannabis economy. After the police intervention, there was no economic or development interventions in the village. In search for income and with limited knowledge other than cannabis cultivation, people from Lazarat moved to other parts of Albania and also abroad and started cultivating cannabis in remote territories. As a result, in , the highest-ever amount of cannabis plantations were seized in Albania Council of Ministers see Figure 2. The total value of the drug market in was estimated at 2. In , the fight against cultivation of cannabis became an increasingly important part of the agenda of the government, with the adoption of the Action Plan on the Fight of Cultivation and Trafficking of Cannabis, and that resulted in decreasing cultivation all over the country, and also a decrease in the prosecutions related to the cultivation of cannabis General Prosecutor Office of Albania The increase in seizure of marijuana in Figure 2 could be explained in that many people stored the cannabis from the years before, or that Albania was being used as a transit country for cannabis from other countries Saggers , or that police operations did not result in full eradication or took place later in the year. Data for charges related to cultivation show that most of the people accused of drug cultivation in Albania in the years — 7 were prosecuted by the prosecution office 8 in Shkodra, making the region a hotspot of cannabis cultivation in Albania. The second highest rate was in Kruja, Vlora, followed by Gjirokastra Figure 3. These four hotspots remain the same throughout the years. To understand the reason why these areas turned into hotspots, it is important to understand the socio-economic conditions of those areas. The area of Dukagjini a cultivation hotspot since s is a mountainous area of the Albanian Alps, part of the Municipality of Shkodra. The region is characterized by a very low employment rate and low population density 4. People living in the areas commute mostly by walking or animals, making it very difficult to access the limited services which are provided by the municipality. The health service in the region is poor; there are ambulances in each village, but with limited or no medical staff. Access to education is restricted to elementary one and there is only one high school in the territory of Dukagjin, so that not all of the citizens have access to education beyond elementary school. There were only seven registered businesses in the area in , and due to the transport costs, access to its markets is very difficult. There is no cultural or social centre in the whole area. All of the above makes the population of the areas vulnerable to get involve in illicit activities ALCDF ; Municipality of Shkodra This clear distinction is difficult in the case of Albania, as most people charged for cannabis cultivation, declare to cultivate due to economic reasons, which classifies as trade. Data from the cases in the three selected regions show that the average age of those under investigation for cannabis cultivation is The youngest person accused of cultivation is 16 and the oldest 73 Table 2 , with Tirana having the youngest average age at around 31 years old, while Vlora has the oldest average age of 54 for cultivation charges. The same data are also reflected at the national level. What can be noted is a decrease in the percentage of minors involved in drug-related crimes, starting in with 8. The educational status among those who are accused of cannabis cultivation is relatively low: The majority of the accused for drug-related crimes are registered as unemployed Most of the cannabis growers that are prosecuted by the police are men. They have an average age of 49 years old. Despite the fact that women are prosecuted less for cultivation charges, this does not mean that there is no involvement of women in drug cultivation. Further research needs to be conducted with a focus on women and their involvement in drug-related crimes. Albanian family structure is very strong and complex, and this is visible even in the examined cases. The family member who takes on all the responsibility for the cultivation has higher chances of getting a lighter sentence or probation service Case 1 , 12 for being either a student or the oldest member of the family. When the family member who takes on the responsibility for cultivation is a student, the reasoning for the crime is that the person is driven by economic factors, and cultivation took place to generate income for finishing their studies; all of those arguments are also used when requesting probation under Article 59 of the Criminal Code Case 7 International studies have shown a connection between the size of the plantation and the level of criminal behaviour of those involved in cultivation. However, in the literature, there is a division between cultivation for non-profit purposes and profit purposes. There is no evidence in Albania of cultivation for non-profit purposes. In the cases examined for Albania, there are only two cases, where the accused declares to have cultivated for the purpose of personal use. This last charge occurs when dried or processed plants are found in addition to plantations of cannabis plants. There is only one case of other related crimes such as domestic violence, murder, disobeying police forces and directing the organization, reinforcing the thesis that those cultivating cannabis are farmers not involved in other criminal activities. In the cases examined there is no information about how the farmers obtain the plants and to whom they sell the product. That makes it difficult to collect information on the trafficking process from these court cases. There are three cases where contracted labour is mentioned. Based on those cases, there are three types of workers: the armed guard, the cannabis worker who takes care of the plants and waters them, and the person responsible like a manager who provides the seeds and takes care of the cannabis after harvesting. On the other side, X 1 recruits a close relative Y 1 , to take care of the others in the field, cook, clean etc. That work would normally be for a maximum of four months, a total of 3, euros a year. Upon reading through the court cases, there are two facts are to be noted: the organizer is not from the village, but he is partnering with a local person, and both the organizer and the partner need a trusted person in the field, a relative whom they pay either a share or a fixed amount. The existence of this structure of organization has been highlighted also by the informal discussions with farmers in the villages. The payment for labour varies. In Shkodra in , the daily fee for cannabis field work was 1, ALL or 12 euros or euros a month Case Labour 1 , an amount confirmed by journalist investigations Ziaj As this is seasonal work for a maximum of four months would result of an income of 1, euros a year for the person involved. In Tropoja another city in Albania , in the same year the monthly payment for the cultivation of cannabis is 90, ALL or euros a month Case Labour 2 Taking the maximum period of work as four months comes to an income of 2, euros a year. In the same case, it is mentioned that expertise in cannabis cultivation was provided by people from southern Albania. The workers are those who are prosecuted and not the managers. The court expenses for the cases examined vary from a minimum of ALL 8 Euros Case 2 to a maximum of , ALL 3, Euros Case 3 , and the average court expenses are euros, to be paid by the accused. The court expenses are more than five times higher than the average social benefit and almost the same as the minimum wage the minimum wage in Albania in was euros General Tax Authority Examining the related charges for the cultivation, bring to the conclusion that most of those involved in the cultivation of cannabis are farmers who take the burden of cultivation, and that they do not associate themselves with other criminal activities, but are mostly involved in the agriculture work of the cannabis cultivation. Fifteen percent of the accused are declared not guilty of cultivation of narcotics. As the cases examined were held in a court of first instance, the reported data are not the final convictions. This session will give a picture of the size and the typology of the cannabis farms in the three selected regions. The average seizure is cannabis plants per case. Albanian legal system does not make any differentiation based on the size of the seizure. Hence, individuals who choose to cultivate could tend to have bigger sizes as the profit would be higher for the same risk level. There are only 11 cases where information on the size of the parcel of land is available. The parcels are fragmented in small plots next to each other. From the available data, the biggest area cultivated is located in Pult, Shkodra. The cultivation site is composed of seven smaller parcels, of which the biggest plot is 5, m 2 , and the seven plots together have an area of 7, m 2 Case 6 The average size of the parcels cultivated is 1, m 2 while the average farm size in Albania is 0. This brings to the assumption that farmers cultivate cannabis as a supplement to other traditional crops. Forty percent of the cases examined include information on the ownership of the property where cultivation takes place. Public reports state that narcotics are mostly cultivated in publicly owned forest and pastures in remote areas, or land with no registered owner Council of Ministers Based on these facts, the presumption is that the police can easily assign a cultivation to an individual if there is evidence of land ownership, and can therefore make an arrest, while when the cultivation takes place in public forests, it is not possible to associate it with an individual, and that case might not end up in court. The examination of the cases show that deforestation is also taking place due to cultivation, as is also the case in Morocco Afsahi That is related to the fact that cultivation happens outdoors. Despite the fact that deforestation and cultivation in protected areas have taken place, there are no charges 10 for deforestation in any of the cases examined. Albania is not a traditional producer of cannabis, yet it has the same drivers for cannabis cultivation as the traditional producing nations such as Morocco and the Caribbean, where cannabis cultivation takes place in family settings, in the outdoors, and provides clear economic and social benefits Afsahi ; Klein The burden of drug crimes in Albania is caried by those who cultivate narcotics and those who are involved in the production and sales. There are no criminal charges for organization and lead of criminal activity. The profile of the cannabis growers in Albania is: a man, living in a rural area, in his mid-thirties, with a low educational level, not previously involved in criminal activities, and living in poverty. These people cultivate cannabis together with other agricultural products they traditionally grow. The cannabis workers in Albania get paid from 1, to 5, euros a year, and for that they risk a prison sentence of two years and four months and paying an average of euros of court expenses. This paper reconfirms the thesis that those involved in illicit drug crop cultivation are driven by economic factors, lack of market access, lack of education and lack of access to social services. This is why development programs that give opportunities to people living in poverty are crucial to prevent farmers from paying the price for drug crimes. For this reason, an inter-institutional approach is needed to address the root causes of cultivation: poverty, marginalisation, and lack of education and other means of earning a decent income. Such an approach would lead to cross-cutting drug policies with an orientation on sustainable development. UNGASS set the stage for development-oriented drug policies, advising states to address all parts of the drug supply. Yet, at country level, its implementation needs a broad and comprehensive approach. Furthermore, the environmental impact of drugs is one aspect of drug policies not considered in Albania, but which demands increasing attention. From the cases examined, it was clear that deforestation was taking place, but no environmental charges were associated with drug cultivation. Therefore, law enforcement agents should also consider environmental crimes when investigating drug-related crimes. More detailed research is needed to better understand the link between drugs and the environment in Albania, not only the link with deforestation, but also with other environmental problems. Further research is needed on involvement of different groups such as women, youth and minorities in the cultivation of narcotics. To proper assess the drug cultivation, crop monitoring surveys need to be conducted and data needs to be available for designing targeted interventions. Criminal Code of the Republic of Albania: Article Cultivation of narcotic plants: Cultivation of plants that serve or are known to serve the production and extraction of narcotic and psychotropic substances, without permission and authorization by law, is punishable by imprisonment from three to seven years. The same act, when committed in complicity, or more than once, is punishable by imprisonment from five to ten years. Organizing, running or financing this activity is punishable by imprisonment from seven to fifteen years. Criminal Code of the Republic of Albania: Article Production and Sales of Narcotics: The sale, offer for sale, giving or receiving, distribution, trading, transport, sending, delivering, and possession, apart from cases when it is for personal use and in small doses, of any form of narcotic and psychotropic substances and seeds of narcotic plants, in conflict with the law, is punishable by imprisonment of from five to ten years. The same offence, when committed in complicity, or more than once, is punishable by imprisonment of from seven to fifteen years. Organization, management or financing of this activity is punishable by imprisonment of from ten to twenty years. All cases have been accessed: www. Participation in the structured criminal group is punished with imprisonment for a term of from two to five years. Creating conditions or facilities for such activities by persons holding state functions is punishable by imprisonment from five to fifteen years. Due to the fact that most of the cultivation is outdoor, police operations are more intense when the plan is planed June to September. Data missing for the year — The court jurisdiction over a case is defined by the place where the case took place, or was supposed to take place, or the place where the consequences of the case accrued Criminal Procedure Code, Art In Albania primary and middle school education are obligatory. Over the years, educations reforms have brought an increase from seven academic years obligatory education to eight and nine academic years. In Albanian law, everyone who has been actively looking for a job in the previous four weeks is considered unemployed. There is no evidence of whether the prosecution statistics use the same definition of unemployment. The request for an abbreviated trial for criminal offences punishable with life imprisonment shall not be allowed. Criminal Code Article Unlawful cutting of forests: Cutting or damaging forests without authorization or when it is undertaken at a prohibited time or place, when the act does not constitute administrative contravention, constitutes criminal contravention and is punishable by a fine or up to one year of imprisonment. Afsahi, K. In: Decorte, T and Potter, G ed. London: Routledge. ISBN Raporti i Zonave Funksionale. Cannabis cultivation in Spain: A profile of plantations, growers and production systems. International Journal of Drug Policy , 70— Assembly of the Republic of Albania. Criminal Code of The Republic of Albania. LAW No. Bouchard, M and Nguyen, H. Brombacher, D and Westerbarkei, J. Journal of Illicit Economies and Development , 1 1 , 89— Case 1. Case 2. Case 3. Case 4. Case 5. Case 6. Case 7. Case 8. Case Labour 1. Case Labour 2. Case Labour 3. Council of Ministers. Decision NO. Strategic action plan against cultivation and trafficking of cannabis European Commission. Annual Report on the state of drug problem in the European Union. Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations. Small family farms country factsheet. General Prosecutor Office. Tirana, Albania. General Prosecutor Office of Albania. General Tax Authority. In: Decorte, T and Potter, G eds. Kirby, S and Peal, K. Journal of Drug Issues , — Klein, A. Mejdini, F and Amerhauser, K. Growing like weeds? Mero, A. Municipality of Shkodra. Potter, G and Klein, A. Coming out of the closet, Risk management strategies of illegal cannabis growers. In: Risk and Substance Use , — Saggers, T. An assessment of the extent of Albanian speaking organized crime groups involved in drug supply in the European Union: Characteristics, role and the level of influence. Schmidt, F and Verbica, A. Spapens, T. The Cannabis Market in the Netherlands. World Drug Report New York: Oxford University Press. Wiecko, F and Thompson, W. Deviant Behavior , — Zhilla, F and Lamallari, B. Organized Crime, Threat Assessment in Albania. Tirana: Open Society Foundation for Albania. Evolution of the Albanian organized crime groups. Ziaj, J. Home About. Research Integrity. Crime Beyond Borders. Abstract This paper used publicly available data, such as the analysis of court cases to make a profile of those convicted for cannabis cultivation in Albania. Keywords: Cannabis illicit drug crop cultivation organized crime cannabis grower Albania Western Balkans development. Year: Submitted on Jul 5, Accepted on Jun 1, Published on Sep 28, Peer Reviewed. CC BY 4. Introduction There are various reasons why Albania plays a role in the European drug market. The start of criminal activities in Albania, early s After the Second World War Albania entered one of the most severe communist regimes and was an isolated country until , with no private property, very limited international relations and trade. Methodology and data sources To draw the profile of the people who are sentenced with the charges of cultivation of narcotic drugs, the research uses both qualitative and quantitative data, collected from primary and secondary sources in a descriptive form. Data processing The information gained from the court cases will be analysed both with qualitative and quantitative research methods. Limitations of the study The selection of the cases was restricted by the availability of the cases. Table 1 Available data. Overview of drug-related crime in Albania a. Drug related crimes Drug-related crimes play an important part in the criminal activity in Albania, being the most or the second most common crime in the last decade. Cannabis in Albania after Twenty years after the fall of communism, Albania became a known hotspot of cannabis cultivation. Cannabis cultivation hotspots Cultivation hotspots Data for charges related to cultivation show that most of the people accused of drug cultivation in Albania in the years — 7 were prosecuted by the prosecution office 8 in Shkodra, making the region a hotspot of cannabis cultivation in Albania. Figure 3 Cultivation charges, Source Prosecution office, Authors calculations. Table 2 classification of cultivators by age groups. Organization of labour in a Cannabis farm. Size of the cannabis farms This session will give a picture of the size and the typology of the cannabis farms in the three selected regions. Table 3 Size of the plantations. Conclusions and recommendations Albania is not a traditional producer of cannabis, yet it has the same drivers for cannabis cultivation as the traditional producing nations such as Morocco and the Caribbean, where cannabis cultivation takes place in family settings, in the outdoors, and provides clear economic and social benefits Afsahi ; Klein Notes Criminal Code of the Republic of Albania: Article Cultivation of narcotic plants: Cultivation of plants that serve or are known to serve the production and extraction of narcotic and psychotropic substances, without permission and authorization by law, is punishable by imprisonment from three to seven years. References Afsahi, K.