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Decriminalizing cannabis sales would strike a blow against Daesh terrorists and Italian mobsters who, according to ongoing investigations, are smuggling hashish together, Italy's top prosecutor told Reuters. The main smuggling route for North African hash - compressed cannabis resin - now runs from Casablanca, Morocco, through Algeria, Tunisia to Tobruk in eastern Libya, said national anti-mafia and anti-terrorism chief Franco Roberti. Along that route is the seaside city of Sirte, which now serves as a Mediterranean base for the most powerful Daesh branch outside Syria and Iraq. In investigations whose details have not yet been made public, police have found evidence that Italian organized crime, which has long controlled most of the country's illegal drug supplies, and 'suspected terrorists' in North Africa are trafficking hash together, Roberti said. Daesh controls just a part of the North African route, but the narcotics trade as a whole provides just under seven percent of the group's funding, according to a report by analysis company IHS published on Monday. In his new book 'Il contrario della paura' or 'The opposite of fear', the year-old Roberti writes at length about the similarities between terrorist groups and Italy's mafias, and he reflects on ways to improve the fight against both. Italy has not been attacked by terrorists, but Daesh propaganda films regularly mention Rome and the Vatican as possible targets. Many Italian sites are considered at high risk of attacks, Roberti said. Prime Minister Matteo Renzi's government gave Roberti's office, which has coordinated the national fight against organised crime since the early s, the job of overseeing investigations into terrorism in February last year. Since then, Roberti and his team of experienced mob prosecutors have begun to add terror cases to a national database previously dedicated only to organised crime, he said. One reason it makes sense for his office to coordinate anti-terror investigations is that such terrorists and traditional mafias - like Sicily's Cosa Nostra - commit similar crimes, Roberti said. Facing the huge challenges of fighting people smuggling, cocaine trafficking, and international terrorism, investigators are spending too much time and energy to combat cannabis dealers, and to little effect, said Roberti. We have not succeeded in reducing cannabinoid trafficking. On the contrary, it's increasing,' said Roberti, who has been combating the mafia for more than three decades. According to the most recent government data, about 3. Cannabis is much less damaging than hard or synthetic drugs, which should not be decriminalized, he said. But Italy's laws against selling or growing cannabis are severe and can lead to imprisonment. A bipartisan group of lawmakers proposed legalizing cannabis possession and cultivation earlier this year, but it is not supported by the leaders of any major parties. In his book Roberti suggests that all of Europe, and not just Italy, should be considering a better use of investigative resources: 'On decriminalization of cannabis , there should be an Italian domestic debate, but also a European one. Last Update: Apr 18, pm. You can unsubscribe at any time. By signing up you are agreeing to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy.

Libyan Interior Ministry seize over 170 quintals of hashish in Tobruk, says undersecretary

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What might a recent seizure of hashish in Niger tell us about the shifting sands of drug trafficking in the Sahel region? Large drug seizures are not uncommon in Niger, which has long been a major transit hub for cannabis resin originating in Morocco and cocaine trafficked from West Africa destined for Libya and eventually Europe or the Gulf. Rather, it had come from Lebanon, along a circuitous route through the Gulf of Guinea. The origin of the shipment underscores the diversification and dynamism of hashish trafficking routes between the Middle East and North Africa, with Niger playing a role as a key entrepot of the Sahel. The operation was the result of a four-month investigation and led to the arrest of 13 people, including 11 Nigeriens and two Algerians. Contacts indicate that at least three distinct networks collaborated on the shipment, with the markers on the drugs denoting what belonged to which network. In addition to Nigeriens and Algerians, members of the networks hailed from Mali and Libya. Niger routinely seizes drug shipments, mainly hashish, but also cocaine and psychotropic pills such as Tramadol. However, none have been as large or as valuable as this. But this seizure also stood out for the provenance of the drugs. Shipments destined for Libya are moved south and east through Western Sahara, Mauritania and northern Mali , where state control is more limited than in Algeria though Algeria, too, has seen rising shipments in recent years. From Niger, hashish routes stretch north, to Libya, or east, to Chad and Sudan. However, the hashish found in the Niamey warehouse originated in the Middle East, having been shipped out of Beirut, Lebanon — the first time drugs of this provenance have been seized in Niger. When seized, the shipment was being prepared for onward transport to the northern city of Agadez, and from there to the coastal city of Tobruk, in eastern Libya. Had it not been seized, this consignment would have ended up in the same markets — likely in large part destined for Egypt via Tobruk, which makes the use of a much longer and complex route involving maritime and land transport through four countries seem surprising. Nonetheless, according to one source, the Lebanon—Togo—Niger route is not new, having emerged around To date, though, it has been rarely used. However, as the seizure on 2 March shows, this may be changing. There are several possible explanations why traffickers use this route. First, there is reportedly saturation at the Libyan ports, as routes from the Mediterranean to Libya are believed to be operating at full capacity. Secondly, changes in the security situation in the central Sahara have had the effect of thwarting smuggling routes in the region. Primarily, this has involved heightened surveillance and interdiction by foreign militaries — mainly France and the US — as well as rising levels of regional violence and banditry. This has led to a substantial rise in transport costs since around According to a contact in southern Libya, the disruptions have become more acute recently, and may have led to a drop in the volume of hashish moving through the area. The difficulties encountered by Moroccan traffickers on central Sahara routes transiting northern Mali may therefore have provided an opening for Levantine traffickers to edge in on the market using routes from the Gulf of Guinea to Libya via Niger, which limit exposure to much of the said challenges. If the use of this maritime route to move drugs from Lebanon to Libya via Niger were to grow, it could spell a significant shift in Sahel trafficking patterns, and suggests that, despite the longer distances and extra border crossings, the Niger route could prove a cost-effective alternative to more direct maritime routes for traffickers. When drug busts are seen as political. The seizure is also important not just for where it happened, but for what happened to the drugs and who was involved. Despite claims that the seized cannabis was incinerated, our contacts indicate that part of the shipment was reacquired by the trafficking networks involved. As of early May, at least four tonnes of hashish from the shipment had reportedly arrived in Tobruk, Libya. A spokesperson for OCRTIS, Dr Moutari Habou said that the disposal of the 17 tons of cannabis resin was made in the greatest transparency, insisting that it would have not been possible for a part of this haul to be fraudulently subtracted. The spokesperson underscored that the 17 tons were incinerated on 24 April in accordance with article of ordinance of 23 September relating to the fight against drugs in Niger in the presence of the interior and justice ministers, members of the National Drugs Control Commission, judicial authorities, officials of the Defense and Security Forces, technical partners, civil society and the national and international press. This trafficking network reportedly retains some ties — facilitated in part by a shared Arab community base — with recently elected President Mohamed Bazoum a founding member and leader of the PNDS-Tarayya. Such connections fit patterns seen previously in Niger. Trafficking networks allegedly enjoy close ties with political elites , whose complicity, secured by significant direct and indirect financial incentives, is essential to allow the movement of large quantities of drugs across Niger. In a context of political tension, however, these connections can expose drug trafficking operations to risks of political interference. The timing of the incident, coming soon after a contested presidential election on 21 February in which Bazoum claimed victory, has led to questions about whether political dynamics may have played a role. This concern, which could also be linked to an abortive coup attempt by a Nigerien air force officer on 31 March, is perceived by some in Niamey as having potentially incentivized Djerma-dominated security forces to seize the hashish shipment belonging to Arab networks linked to Bazoum. Regardless of their veracity, rumours of political machinations linked to the hashish seizure are problematic indications of weak trust in the rule of law and the integrity of official institutions and actors in Niger when it comes to drugs. This could foreshadow new challenges for the region, as the emergent route between the Gulf of Guinea and Libya entrenches Niger as a drug trafficking nerve centre. This new route allows traffickers to circumvent increasingly problematic areas of the Sahel, such as northern Mali, which increases the likelihood that more drugs will flow through Niger. Hence, the country might become an alternative hub for Levantine hashish trafficking. It may also encourage deployment of law enforcement for political ends. Author s Alice Fereday Matt Herbert. Posted on 11 May The seizure happened in a warehouse in the capital, Niamey. When drug busts are seen as political The seizure is also important not just for where it happened, but for what happened to the drugs and who was involved. Related analysis. Global Initiative Imprisonment for defamation seeks to silence investigative journalism in Niger.

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