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BULGARIA: A Slow Turn to the West, but Euroscepticism on the Rise

Burgas buying blow

The leaders of Burgas are eager to paint their seaside town in eastern Bulgaria as an international tourist destination. Newly built hotels and vacation homes line the shore and the main street's cafes and restaurants cater to the Western Europeans who years earlier might have visited more established spots along the Mediterranean. Burgas can be as idyllic as any European resort town as long as the breeze is blowing in from the Black Sea. But when the wind switches direction, a distinct chemical smell from the Lukoil Neftochim Oil refinery fills the air. Lukoil, a Russian-owned oil and gas company, is one of the many Russian investments in the southern Balkan nation. While Bulgaria has increasingly allied itself with Western powers, many in the country regard Russia as a historically important collaborator. In a country where corruption permeates all levels of government and politicians believe anti-European Union sentiment can help at the ballot box, people debate just how influential the Russian government really is. Once a small village, now half of the roughly 14, residents are estimated to be Russian nationals. Apartments are for sale, but the companies advertising only list in Russian. As one leaves the seaside and goes five miles from downtown Burgas to the district of Dolno Ezeronvo, noxious odors emitted from the refinery choke the air. Many of the 2, Bulgarians who work at the refinery live in this section of town; when asked about their opinions of the pollution, a number of people approached on the street said they did not want to speak because either they themselves or a family member were dependent upon their income from the refinery. Russians began moving to Pomorie in the late s, around the same time that the government of Prime Minister Ivan Kostov began a mass privatization effort. Beginning in his government sold off all or a portion of nearly 1, government-owned businesses, the largest being the sale of the Neftochim Burgas refinery. The agreement also required that Lukoil modernize the facility, which had originally been built in by the Bulgarian government with parts from the USSR. Critics say that the Bulgarian government let an important asset go for a fraction of its value, but the private intelligence firm Stratfor said the price assessed the price as low due to the state of disrepair. Today, the port property is defended by concrete walls topped with barbed wire, with cameras every feet and security guards patrolling at all hours. Asen Yordanov, an investigative journalist who has examined the facility for years, said he has never seen any Bulgarian customs official on duty. Critics have questioned Russian influence in Bulgarian politics. Lukoil has connections in high places, including Prime Minister Boyko Borisov. Shortly after the end of communism, Borisov founded a security company, IPON-1 Ltd, working for politicians and private companies, including the Lukoil refinery. Others surrounding Borisov have cozied up to the Russians. A close associate of Borisov, Dimitar Nikolov, is currently serving his third term as mayor of Burgas. Bulgarians debate the exact date of when Russia became entwined in Bulgarian politics. Some will point to the cultural exchange that began in the 9th century the Bulgarians were the first to refer to their ruler as 'Tsar'. The Russians also helped fight off the Ottoman Empire during the 19th century. But after the Soviet Army invaded and overthrew the Nazi-allied government in , many say the Russians never truly left. When Maria Becheva brought her granddaughter to the Monument to the Soviet Union bouquets of flowers still lined the pedestal from St. The monument, which glorifies the Soviet liberation of Bulgaria during World War II, has been a point of controversy in recent years. Some want to tear it down completely. Along the base of the pedestal there are friezes of Soviet and Bulgarian soldiers preparing to enter battle. Protesters occasionally paint the statue, mocking the monument by making the figures look like Superman, Batman and other Western super heroes. But communist monuments are not the only target in Sofia. Across town a recently erected bust of President Ronald Reagan was defaced by protesters who covered it in a red shroud. A monument to those killed by the communist regime has been repeatedly spray painted. In all cases the city sends out workers to repair the damage, but the monuments are never completely cleaned. Looking closely, you can still see the remnants of this public battle over how Bulgaria address foreign interventions of the past century. Unlike many of the Warsaw Pact nations closer to the edge of the Iron Curtain, Bulgaria was slower to look westward. Early in the transition to democracy, Russian officials held a press conference with their Bulgarian and Romanian counterparts and claimed that the two Black Sea nations would see a way forward without looking towards Western Europe. But many do take stances on issues that fall in line with Russian preferences. In the most recent parliamentary election this past March, a prominent minority within the GERB Party and left-wing Bulgarian Socialist Party the successor to the Bulgarian Communist Party both suggested dropping sanctions put in place against Russia. Kornelia Ninova, head of the BSP, claimed that the Bulgarian economy had been damaged by limitations on Russian investment. GERB won over Ultimately GERB was forced to form a government with the electoral alliance United Patriots, a group of far-right parties. One notable inclusion in his coalition government is Ataka, a nationalist party that, before joining up with GERB, often spoke admirably of Russia and advocated for stronger a strong relationship with President Vladimir Putin. But after the elections, and despite the inclusion of pro-Russian parties, discussion of dropping the sanctions against Russia died down. Anastasov says Bulgarians on the whole realize there are stronger possibilities within the EU than outside. Many, especially those born after the fall of communism, have spent time in member states and benefited from EU programs that allow for studying and working abroad. Others directly state that Russia has more to offer for Bulgaria. Socialist MP Alexander Simov said he worries more about American and EU influence in his country, and that Western powers have offered little economic benefit while dictating social policy. The climate is changing in Bulgaria, but not in the way Simov may anticipate. Euroscepticism — the belief that a united Europe is bad for individual members — has indeed risen in recent years. But a poll by Eurobarometer showed 49 percent of Bulgarians approve of the EU while only 33 percent disapprove. Bulgarians remain much more enthusiastic about membership than their Western European counterparts. Trust in the EU is higher than trust in Bulgarian institutions. But in a country that still struggles with corruption at all levels of government, Russian business influence sometimes determines how politicians act. In Sofia, people worry about corruption at all levels, from local officials who provides building permits to members of parliament. Watchdog group Transparency International ranks Bulgaria lowest in the EU on their corruption index and said there is no legal frameworks to address corruption. I think that Bulgaria should work hard to reconnect itself with Russia economically and culturally, nothing more. Lukoil Neftochim Burgas is, in most years, the largest industrial enterprise in the nation. And we can only understand it only when a bank collapses and these links become apparent. Projects like Lukoil illustrate the balancing act of Bulgaria in the post-communist era. Fences topped by barbed wire surround oil storage tanks at the Lukoil port facility in Burgas. Statue of U. President Ronald Reagan, before and after.

Burgas buying blow