Brooke Benson dans "Daugther Unbound"

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Brooke Benson dans "Daugther Unbound"
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May 2019 Modern Asian Studies 53(03):874-903
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This article explores the joking relations that constitute conviviality in one of the largest marginal bazaars in Moscow. The marketplace is known as a hub for migrant workers and traders, and is often stigmatized in the media. It remains one of the largest commercial nodes in the bazaar network that stretches across and beyond much of ex-Soviet Eurasia. Scholars of conviviality have often claimed that convivial living represents more than hilarity and laughter; exactly how laughter actually happens and what sets of relations and interactions make it possible have been largely left out of the discussion. I will explore how a certain joking repertoire both connects Russian customers with migrant sellers and traders from Central Asia, Vietnam, Ukraine, and elsewhere, and animates relations between sellers themselves. I argue that these relations are characterized by volatility , which incorporates play and improvisation within different registers of uncertainty, conflict, enjoyment, proximity, and—ultimately—virtuality.
(Colour online) Informant mapping Sadovod's social relations.
(Colour online) A seller shows shoes to a potential customer.
A 'mental map' of a shashlyk gathering by Bek, one of my interlocutors.
(Colour online) A WhatsApp and Odnoklassniki meme posted by my interlocutors.
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Content may be subject to copyright.
Modern Asian Studies 53 , 3 ( 2019 ) pp. 874 – 903 . C
doi: 10 . 1017 /S 0026749 X 1700107 X
Volatile Conviviality: Joking relations in
Berlin Graduate School of Muslim Cultures and Societies,
This article explores the joking relations that constitute conviviality in one of
the largest marginal bazaars in Moscow. The marketplace is known as a hub for
migrant workers and traders, and is often stigmatized in the media. It remains one
of the largest commercial nodes in the bazaar network that stretches across and
beyond much of ex-Soviet Eurasia. Scholars of conviviality have often claimed that
convivial living represents more than hilarity and laughter; exactly how laughter
actually happens and what sets of relations and interactions make it possible
have been largely left out of the discussion. I will explore how a certain joking
repertoire both connects Russian customers with migrant sellers and traders
from Central Asia, Vietnam, Ukraine, and elsewhere, and animates relations
between sellers themselves. I argue that these relations are characterized by
volatility , which incorporates play and improvisation within different registers of
uncertainty, conflict, enjoyment, proximity, and—ultimately—virtuality.
‘Hey you, Michael Jackson!’, a vendor grabs me by my wrist and tries
to pull me into his shop in the Sadovod bazaar located somewhere on
The marketplace is spread over an area of about 100 hectares.
It gathers together a large circus of cheap commodities, animals,
∗ I would like to thank Madeleine Reeves and Magnus Marsden for organizing
an intellectually nourishing workshop as well as their valuable comments. I am also
grateful to the two anonymous reviewers for their incisive feedback and to all those
who read the early versions of the article, especially Enrique Martino Martin, Anna
Kruglova, Omar Kasmani, and the ZMO Colloquium with Ulrike Freitag. A special
thank you goes to my friends and interlocutors in the market who made this research
This is an Open Access article, distributed under the terms of the Creative
Commons Attribution licence ( http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/ 4 . 0 / ), which
permits unrestricted re-use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided
the original work is properly cited.
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people, and things: leather bags and soft toys, spare car parts,
Vietnamese hair salons, fishing itineraries, disused sewing machines,
rare tropical fish and owls, ceramic bowls and carpets, wedding
dresses, restaurants and kebab shops, as well as occasional beggars
and sellers of fake consignment notes. This diverse medley is somehow
compartmentalized and organized into rows and sections, gendered
and ethnicized in all kinds of ways. This might give an impression
of some kind of ordered systematicity. Yet, as one dives deeper into
the crowds and the relations of the market, one soon realizes that
these boundaries are not all there are: people cross them repeatedly
and make many other things happen at the same time. Sadovod
remains one of the most popular destinations for wholesale traders
and retailers throughout the European part of Russia, but its trade
connections extend to the North and South Caucasus, China, Central
Asia, and as far as Cuba and Nigeria. It is also an area with one of
the largest concentrations of undocumented Central Asian migrant
workers in the Russian capital. There are no public figures available
for the exact numbers of workers employed in the marketplace, but
I would estimate the number to be around 5 , 000 or more. This
hub brings together all sorts of people and is also rife with overly
represented low-intensity violence, which can include knife fights
and shootings, mass confrontations between hundreds of workers and
traders against one another or the security guards, as well as mugging
and the torture of debtors. However, while the daily routines involve
regular outbursts of violence and cruelty, they also include forms
of solidarity, expressions of sincerity, hilarity, and banter, as I will
demonstrate in the course of this article. By focusing on the joking
relations that make up the texture of everyday life in Sadovod, I aim
to foreground aspects of the place that have often become occluded
in mainstream media narratives focused on violence, but also certain
scholarship on, migrant precarity that seems to be fixated on issues of
‘Michael Jackson yourself,’ I snap back and continue to move along
the crowded corridor, trying to free myself from the vendor’s grip.
Laughter erupts from every direction. The vendor is a sturdy man,
possibly Tajik, in his thirties. ‘Come back here Michael Jackson, you
hear me?! Check out the jeans!’ he yells at my back as several of his
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younger mates grin. Someone adds in a thin, mocking voice, ‘ Shurikam
bezplatno! (bottoms [i.e. passive homosexuals] get it for free!).’
Such subversions of customer-seller hierarchies and inter-masculine
jokes—Michael Jackson is rated low in terms of the masculine qualities
esteemed by the bazaar’s workers—are often masterfully directed at
Russian male customers in order to momentarily overturn the racial
hierarchy that emasculates men who are routinely racialized as ‘black’
in the mass media and through document checks in public spaces
Sellers shift from provocation to flattery and politeness, hostility and
threat, care and instrumental calculation, and back again to joking
and play. How do we understand this rich game of appearances and
tactics as part of migrant marginality in this place that combines
‘warm’ conviviality with its opposites of violence, aggression, and ‘cold’
calculation? What specific types of joking relations emerge in the
bazaars and how do they constitute convivial events and encounters?
In this article I will explore several case studies from fieldwork that
I undertook in 2014 – 2015 in Sadovod and other marketplaces to
While it is often the case that conviviality is said to be more than
mere hilarity, just what exactly constitutes joking and fun in convivial
relations, especially in post-Soviet contexts, has not been extensively
explored. In anthropology, literature on joking has been defined
largely by the works of Radcliffe-Brown on ‘permitted disrespect’ in
‘joking relations’, as well as various discussions of joking ‘frames’. 2
1 The experience of racism by non-white men is, of course, not homogeneous and
depends largely on class, citizenship, and ethnicity. While this has been changing as a
result of the terrorist subway bombing in 2017 in St Petersburg, which was linked by
the police and media to a migrant worker from Kyrgyztan, it is the North Caucasian
newcomers in Moscow who are usually stereotyped as violent and hyper-masculine.
The lower class migrant workers from Central Asia, on the other hand, are especially
vulnerable to forms of humiliation classically described by Fanon. See F. Fanon, Black
Skin, White Masks , Grove Press, New York, 2008 .
2 See Amanda A. Wise, ‘Convivial Labour and the “Joking Relationship”: Humour
and Everyday Multiculturalism at Work’, Journal of Intercultural Studies ,v o l . 37 ,n o . 5 ,
2016 , pp. 485 – 487 . See also E. Goffman, Frame Analysis: An Essay on the Organisation
of Experience , Harvard University Press, Cambridge, 1974 ,p .i x ;D .H a n d e l m a n ,
‘Postlude: Framing Hierarchically, Framing Moebiusly’, Journal of Ritual Studies ,v o l .
26 ,n o . 2 , 2012 , pp. 65 – 77 ; D. Handelman and B. Kapferer, ‘Forms of Joking Activity:
A Comparative Approach’, American Anthropologist ,v o l . 74 ,n o . 3 , 1972 , pp. 484 – 517 ;
A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, ‘On Joking Relationships’, Africa ,v o l . 13 ,n o . 3 , 1940 , pp.
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In contexts of ethno-cultural multiplicity, recent works have focused
on the role of ‘rude jokes’ and the way in which mock aggression,
teasing, exchanges of insults, and obscenities can forge trust and
bonding, or even embody a subaltern means of critiquing the violent
forms of inter-ethnic relations that Sanchez terms the ‘retaliatory
logic of communalism’. 3 Equally, as Steinmüller has argued, humour
is able to carve out a space at a distance from the state’s discourse
by establishing communities of mutual intelligibility, constituted of
those who ‘get’ the ‘deep play’ of irony and the content behind the
literal meaning. 4 This form of mutual intelligibility and attunement
certainly requires constant maintenance work. ‘Convivial labour’,
Wise notes, establishes a provisional ‘consensus’ about where the
boundaries lie with regard to what is permissible. 5 Joking can be said
to be an important ‘convivial tool’, as Back and Sinha argue, drawing
on Tillich’s philosophical work which largely defines living together
normatively. 6 To my mind, basing conviviality on a shared ‘consensus’
or a negotiated common ‘joking frame’ may underemphasize the
workings of risk, contingency, and aggression in many convivial
contexts, as is the case in marginal markets. Taking inspiration
from Singh’s exploration of ‘agonistic intimacy’, a concept which
attempts to complicate the dichotomy between friend and enemy,
I am interested in exploring the range of relations that involves
enjoyment, consensus, and conflict. 7 An important challenge here
seems to be to think of conflict, othering, and violence as not occurring
in parallel to or alongside conviviality, but rather as constituting part of
3 See A. Sanchez, ‘Profane Relations: The Irony of Offensive Jokes in India’, History
and Anthropology ,v o l . 27 ,n o . 3 , 2016 , pp. 296 – 312 (p. 300 ); Wise, ‘Convivial Labour’,
pp. 481 – 500 ; S. W. Reid, ‘Making Fun out of Difference: Ethnicity—Race and Humour
in a London School’, Ethnos ,v o l . 80 ,n o . 1 , 2015 , pp. 23 – 44 .
4 H. Steinmüller, ‘The State of Irony in China’, Critique of Anthropology ,v o l . 31 ,n o .
1 , 2011 , pp. 21 – 42 ; H. Steinmüller, Communities of Complicity: Everyday Ethics in Rural
China , Berghahn Books, Oxford and New York, 2013 ; Sanchez, ‘Profane Relations’,
5 Wise, ‘Convivial Labour’, pp. 488 , 491 , 495 – 496 . See also T. Heil, ‘Conviviality:
(Re)negotiating Minimal Consensus’, in International Handbook of Diversity Studies ,S .
Vertovec (ed.), Routledge, Abingdon, 2015 , pp. 217 – 324 .
6 L. Back and S. Sinha, ‘Multicultural Conviviality in the Midst of Racism’s Ruins’,
Journal of Intercultural Studies ,v o l . 37 ,n o . 5 , 2016 , pp. 518 – 524 (p. 518 ).
7 B. Singh, ‘Agonistic Intimacy and Moral Aspiration in Popular Hinduism: A Study
in the Political Theology of the Neighbor’, American Ethnologist ,v o l . 38 ,n o . 3 , 2011 ,
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the same (dis-)continuum, undialectically, but rhizomatically without
presuppositions of a common ground. 8
Since there seems to be no single, emic term that sums up these
experiences, I will have to improvise and introduce an analytic
metaphor myself—volatility. In chemistry and physics, volatility refers
to the point at which a substance evaporates, which also renders
some materials more explosive than others. In finance, it refers to
the oscillation of a trading price. The term therefore combines two
perspectives on contingency as variation, shifting of registers and
chance, and as explosion, both relating to the body of literature in
terms of the way in which unknowability and unpredictability can be
resources, rather than mere risks to be tamed and hedged against.
I relate volatility to the conceptual figure of fire developed by Mol,
Law, and Singleton, which can be helpful in thinking through the
entanglements of conflict and care. Fire is one of several spatio-
temporal arrangements between people and things, others being
stable ‘regions’ and slowly self-transforming ‘fluids’. In the words
of the authors, it involves: ( 1 ) continuity of shape as an effect of
discontinuity, ( 2 ) a flickering relation between presence and absence,
and ( 3 ) a link between a single, present centre and multiple absent
Others. 9 Arguably, considering joking relations as volatile spatialities
provides an analytical lens, in addition to those of flows or networks,
to empirically engage with aspects of precarious ‘urban assemblages’,
Massey’s ‘thrown togetherness’, or Simone’s ‘cityness’. 10 Volatility
exceeds, I argue, the organizational coherence of fire as a type of
8 I say this in relation to the argument that begins the analysis from difference
that is supposedly ‘bridged’ by convivial practices, rather than from the egalitarian
‘domains of commonalities’. It reaffirms the vision of bounded and rigid social
categories, while ‘cohesion emerges not as the outcome of bridging difference but
as a constant part of the dialectic between order and disorder, as well as creativity and
conflict, across the spaces and places that people inhabit’: see N. Glick Schiller and G.
Schmidt, ‘Envisioning Place: Urban Sociabilities within Time, Space and Multiscalar
Power’, Identities ,v o l . 23 ,n o . 1 , 2016 , pp. 1 – 16 (p. 3 ).
9 A. Mol and J. Law. ‘Situating Technoscience: An Inquiry into Spatialities’,
Environment and Planning D, Society and Space ,v o l . 19 ,n o . 5 , 2001 , pp. 615 – 618 , 609 –
621 . See also J. Law and V. Singleton, ‘Object Lessons’, Organisation ,v o l . 12 ,n o . 3 ,
10 For an expanded discussion of spatialities, see I. Farias and A. Blok, ‘Introducing
Urban Cosmopolitics: Multiplicity and the Search for a Common World’, in Urban
Cosmopolitics: Agencements, Assemblies, Atmospheres , A. Blok and I. Farias (eds), Routledge,
London and New York, 2016 , pp. 1 – 23 ; D. Massey, For Space , Sage, London, Thousand
Oaks, New Delhi, 2005 ;A .S i m o n e , City Life from Jakarta to Dakar: Movements at the
Crossroads , Routledge, London and New York, 2010 .
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spatialized relation: it might explode into a conflict with a customer
or a fellow worker or simply become irrelevant and disappear. In
other words, volatility is a quality that is transversal of topological
spatialities, while still giving rise to collectives of traders, sellers,
and customers. The resulting social connectivities and circulation
of goods expands beyond Eurasian and inter-Asian assemblages to
include other regions. Jokes oil, and sometimes generate, such volatile
mechanisms of connectivity, but in their limited ways, they also allow
social relations to be more than what they already are—to operate not
only actually but also on the as-if virtual plane.
We will come back to this last statement about virtuality at the end
of the article. For now, we need to take a detour to better familiarize
ourselves with the place, and to consider the jokes thrown around
during the working day and during nights off.
Sadovod is a rather unspectacular area consisting of a number of
windowless buildings with towering advertisement billboards. It is
surrounded by walls and fences, rows of surveillance cameras, and
armed private security guards. The market is located on the isolated
edges of southeast Moscow, right next to the MKAD ring road
(Moscow’s Ring Highway), the circular thoroughfare that divides
the city from its suburbs. Like some other similar, but less well-
known marketplaces, Sadovod is located in a relatively polluted
neighbourhood of Kapotnya, next to a large oil refinery, the MNPZ
(Moscow’s Oil and Petrol Factory), on one side, and a large forest,
Zhara, on the other, which is said to be the burial site of toxic
waste and chemical weapons dating back to the First and Second
World Wars. Its location contributes to its marginal status just as
much as the presence of large numbers of non-Russian migrants,
and its association with another former stigmatized marketplace—the
Cherkizovsky market or Cherkizon, as it is often called. One frequently
hears casual visitors remark or write online: ‘What a terrible, dirty
place! Full of blacks, non-Russians—it is a new Cherkizon!’ 11 Often
11 Beginning in the early 2000 s, many popular and state-owned media outlets
systematically demonized the Cherkizovsky market as a centre for ‘ethnic criminal
gangs’, drug trade, trafficking, disease, and especially as a space representing
the state’s weakness in assuming control over these enormous monetary flows.
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considered to exist at a distance from state regulation and control,
yet intertwined with it in more indirect ways, the bazaars and the
mobility of their traders have been described by scholars as forms
of globalization or regionalism from below. 12 These trade forms
have experienced a decline since the 2000 s, while currently, both
the Chinese-led Silk Road Economic Belt and the nascent Eurasian
Economic Union seek ways to further reformat and control these inter-
Asian
Clanddi Jinkcego
Il s'occupe de la chatte rasée de la bonne Stevie Shae
Cherry dans un bon porno où elle offre son bon boule