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Hospital staff say they have to share out what drugs are left among the sick children. A medical crisis is looming in eastern Libya with hospitals in Benghazi running short of supplies, the rebels' health minister says. Stocks of drugs and other items such as surgical gloves are said to be running out. Dr Nagi Barakat told the BBC that most emergency aid donated from abroad went straight to the front line. He said that if a new offensive broke out, hospitals would face a major crisis. On the cancer ward of Benghazi's children's hospital, most patients are not getting the right dosage. There aren't enough drugs to go round. Dr Amina Bayou says she and her colleagues juggle supplies to give everyone a little. It's not good,' she said. We ask parents to go to Egypt to buy medicines and when they bring them back, we divide them up like parcelling out food. In one room, a two-year-old called Bubaker lies listlessly. His leukaemia is advanced and he is not responding to treatment, says Dr Bayou, because the dose isn't strong enough. Next door, six-year-old Melak is doing better. She too has leukaemia and is recovering from a severe lung infection. Doctors found anti-fungal drugs to treat her after a desperate search - the last medicine of its kind in all Benghazi. Without it, she would now be dead. It is not just cancer drugs that are running out in Benghazi's hospitals. Shelves are rapidly being cleared of what medical supplies are left, rebel officials say. Dr Barakat, a Libyan doctor who returned from London to take up the post of health minister in the rebels' interim government, says the situation is critical. The list of items needed urgently include surgical gloves and gauze as well as a whole array of drugs needed for cardiac patients and, critically, in the intensive care units. He reckons that more than 20 patients have died since February because of the lack of medical supplies. Stocks of the narcotics needed for anaesthetic procedures are so low that the hospital has had to close nine of its 12 operating theatres. The surgeons only operate on emergency cases - four a day - and many of those are patients with serious gunshot wounds, transferred to Benghazi from the front line in Misrata. Dr Barakat says here is little left over for women who need caesarean sections, or casualties from car accidents or other domestic accidents. In any case, he adds, the amounts donated by foreign governments and NGOs cannot meet the demands of all the hospitals in a large city like Benghazi, which services the entire population of eastern Libya. Medical stocks were already low in February. Now they have been run down in some cases almost to zero, he says. Critically wounded fighters are among those requiring scant hospital resources. We have no access to that now. The rebel leadership says it would willingly pay for new supplies if only it had the money, but its stock of cash has also run out. A week ago rebel leaders appealed to the outside world to help unlock funds and loans to sort out the cash flow problem and avoid a social and medical crisis in the city. A week on - according to senior sources in the leadership - there is still no sign of any cash being made available. So far the hospitals are just about keeping afloat, despite the shortages. But if there were to be any new pressure on the system, he fears it could break it. By Bridget Kendall. Cash shortage. Dr Barakat says this is only one of his worries.

Libya: Hospitals in rebel-held Benghazi 'face crisis'

Benghazi buying MDMA pills

An investigation into the vessel reveals a network of criminals associated with the shipment — with connections to the Assad family, a gang in Libya, and London-registered shell companies. On the evening of December 2, , the cargo ship Noka set sail from the Syrian port of Latakia, bound for eastern Libya. The vessel was packed with goods sent by two agents outside Damascus. Just past Cyprus, the Noka switched off its automatic identification system, a device that announces its position to other ships and is used to avoid collisions. After a search they seized the drugs and arrested its crew of Banned in the s, counterfeit Captagon pills developed a following in the Middle East, particularly in Gulf states like Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar — and more recently among fighters in Syria. But the pills are still usually designed to resemble the original tablets. Over the last few years, a growing number of shipments of Captagon originating in Latakia have been seized at Libyan, Italian, Greek and Romanian ports. The largest haul, seized at the port of Salerno near Naples in June , included more than 14 tons of Captagon worth an estimated 1 billion euros on the street. As the trade has grown, so have allegations that figures and militias linked to the Syrian regime are closely involved. Now, by examining Greek, Italian, and Libyan court documents, company registration data, and ship tracking data, and by conducting interviews with law enforcement officials and experts, OCCRP and IRPI have uncovered previously unreported details about a network of Syrian criminals and shell companies linked to the Noka and the wider Captagon trade. Reporters found that the man who owned the Noka, a Syrian named Taher Al-Kayali now based in Latakia, was convicted in Italy in for stealing and smuggling luxury yachts. Kayali also has ties to Mudar Al-Assad, a cousin of Bashar Al-Assad, whose company controls a marina and tourism complex in Latakia where Kayali runs a cafeteria. Four alleged members of the gang were sentenced to death by firing squad for their role in the Noka and other shipments into Libya. While in Italy, Kayali was convicted in two separate criminal cases. According to a report from news agency Adnkronos, Italian police arrested him for leading a gang that smuggled stolen luxury cars out of the port of Rotterdam in the Netherlands to countries including the United Arab Emirates and Japan. He was convicted in of criminal association and receiving and selling stolen goods, but was later pardoned. This came after a police operation exposed how an international gang had smuggled stolen luxury yachts across the Mediterranean basin. A page verdict obtained by IrpiMedia shows that Kayali and another Syrian were ordering the theft of the yachts through Italian associates, who organized the thefts in Italian ports, then drove the stolen boats to countries like Croatia, Egypt, or Greece. Italian police referred to Kayali as a ringleader of this group and charged him with theft and handling stolen goods. In January , he was sentenced in absentia to six and a half years in prison. Kayali, who denies having anything to do with the drug trade, later set up various shell companies outside Syria through which he has continued to do business. On March 4, , he registered a company called Neptunus Overseas Limited at 27 Old Gloucester Street in London, a four-story residential building used by hundreds of companies as a fake address. The same year, he set up another company in Latakia, Neptunus LLC, which describes itself as a maritime agency, providing vessel management and support and supply of vessels. Reporters were unable to find any additional information about Sharif. Daboul and Mufti run a company that manufactures chemical products, including detergent, which had been used in the Noka shipment to disguise the smell of the drugs. As for the goods, we informed the owners to take them and to have them shipped to wherever they like. The Noka was used to service the so-called Lamira Line, a maritime link between Latakia and other eastern Mediterranean ports launched four months before the Hellenic Coast Guard busted the Noka and apparently halted shortly after. But who exactly controlled the route is difficult to determine. In August , the Lebanese newspaper Al-Akhbar, which is close to Hezbollah, an ally of the Syrian regime, ran a short piece announcing that the Lamira Line had been launched by the Latakia-based Neptunus Company. He said his company had run advertisements for the Lamira Line, but did not say who owned the company behind it. But the trail ended there. The office manager of Li-Marine Inc. With the growth of the Captagon trade have followed increasing suspicions of Syrian regime involvement. Historically, illicit Captagon has been produced in Eastern Europe, Turkey, and Lebanon, but production grew in Lebanon after the Israel-Hezbollah conflict, as Hezbollah sought to replenish its coffers. The Bekaa Valley along the border with Syria — also a site of illegal cannabis cultivation — became a major manufacturing center. The Syrian civil war marked a turning point, as Captagon demand surged among fighters. Production gradually shifted into Syria, taking advantage of both the chaos of the war and the production and transport infrastructure — such as functioning roads, electricity, and running water — that was already in place. The estimate from Italian authorities for the Salerno bust came out to around 12 euros per pill. Adnan Haj Omar, who led the research team, told OCCRP that the size of the busts — and the fact that they were all ignored by Syrian state media — suggested that an organized drug transit network was behind the trade, able to influence state institutions and decision-making bodies. Syrian Customs, in charge of controlling maritime exports and the imports and transit of goods, did not reply to a request for comment. The Journal of International Affairs report pointed to the ability to quickly shift smuggling routes in reaction to increased enforcement. In , for example, after a crackdown by Turkish border guards, alternate routes through Jordan and Lebanon quickly saw a surge in traffic. The report suggests that centralized coordination is responsible for the majority of the Captagon smuggling, or that the organizations involved are coordinated — again implying alignment with the Assad government. Researchers also cite the fact that so much of the Captagon trade originates from Latakia. The Assad family hometown, Qardaha, is less than 30 km outside Latakia. Kayali runs a cafe within this coastal stronghold, inside the resort owned by another Assad relative, a cousin named Mudar Al-Assad. While some Captagon moves overland via neighboring Jordan and Iraq to the oil-rich Gulf states, overseas routes from the Syrian coast are also popular because smugglers can avoid checkpoints and border crossings, allowing larger quantities to be moved with less risk. Libya has increasingly become a key node on this route, from where drugs are moved to neighboring Chad, Egypt, or directly to the Gulf, according to researchers. The link between Syria and Libya appears to have grown since , when the renegade Libyan General Khalifa Haftar launched his Operation Dignity campaign to expel Islamist forces from Benghazi and came to control much of eastern Libya. Haftar and the Assad regime found themselves on the same side of a regional geopolitical divide, both backed by Russia and fighting forces backed by Turkey. In May , Fathi Bashagha, interior minister in the Tripoli-based government recognized by the United Nations and backed by Turkey, accused the Assad regime, and Haftar, of benefiting from the Syria-to-Libya drug pipeline. Particularly revealing are the operations of a gang allegedly led by Mahmud Abdulilah Dajj, a Syrian-Libyan whom the court sentenced in absentia to death by firing squad. On July 21, , the Benghazi Court of Appeals handed down a verdict accusing Dajj — who is now in Syria — and his aides for involvement in the Noka shipment, as well as three shipments seized in Libya: one in the Al Khums port near Tripoli in western Libya, one in Benghazi, and another in Tobruk in eastern Libya. Dajj himself usually arrived in Libya two days before the shipments arrived, and left after the containers were cleared. The court papers say Dajj asked a representative of the Libya East Company to bribe customs officers so that consignments arriving at Benghazi would be cleared without an inspection. Then they bundled the drugs into blankets, packed them into cardboard boxes, and loaded them into a refrigerated truck which Dajj drove to an unknown destination, they said. According to a court official, Saad and Ajjan — both of whom were sentenced to death by firing squad — are still in prison. Al Tayr has continued to operate despite the court ruling, promoting maritime shipments between Syria and Libya on its Facebook page. With the economies of both Syria and Libya decimated, and armed groups and militias controlling part of their territories, there is little reason to believe the Captagon trade will decline any time soon. In one of the latest busts, more than 5. As for Kayali, he has emerged relatively unscathed from his links to the Noka, and appears to be benefitting from Assad family ties. OCCRP attempted to reach Mudar for comment by courier service through his Damascus-based company, but the delivery was refused. Key Findings. Taher al-Kayali, owner of the cargo ship Noka, has connections to a cousin of Bashar Al-Assad and convictions in Italy for smuggling stolen cars and yachts. Kayali and others linked to the Noka registered shell companies in the U. The Noka shipment was allegedly destined for a smuggling gang in eastern Libya. The web of connections shows how the booming trade in this little-known drug is being run from Latakia, a Syrian port under direct regime control. The largest shipment of Captagon ever busted — in Italy in summer — and the largest busted in Romania also originated from Latakia. Related Articles. Senior Airbus executives corresponded with an intermediary for controversial helicopter deals in Kuwait after the European company came under scrutiny for its dealings with middlemen, emails obtained by reporters show. When an apparent fraudster impersonated a famous football agent and asked FC Barcelona for 1 million euros, sources say the club attempted to send the money. Though the payment was eventually blocked, experts worry the incident is a sign that football remains vulnerable to corruption despite repeated calls for stronger oversight. Nearly , internal documents leaked from Steward Health Care to OCCRP show how a private equity firm, real estate investors and top executives drained billions from the hospital operator as it lurched towards bankruptcy and failed hospital patients. Also published by our partners Daraj. June 16th, Cyprus , Libya , Syrian Arab Republic. By that time, however, Kayali had moved to Latakia, and was never arrested. He pointed to the fact that the crew had been released. Who Ran the Lamira Line? Assad Family Fortress With the growth of the Captagon trade have followed increasing suspicions of Syrian regime involvement. Other researchers have come to similar conclusions. The Libyan Links While some Captagon moves overland via neighboring Jordan and Iraq to the oil-rich Gulf states, overseas routes from the Syrian coast are also popular because smugglers can avoid checkpoints and border crossings, allowing larger quantities to be moved with less risk. A Blossoming Trade With the economies of both Syria and Libya decimated, and armed groups and militias controlling part of their territories, there is little reason to believe the Captagon trade will decline any time soon. Join the fight. Hold power to account. Your cookie preferences. We use cookies to improve your experience by storing data about your preferences, your device or your browsing session. We also use cookies to collect anonymized data about your behaviour on our websites, and to understand how we can best improve our services. To find our more details, view our Cookie Policy. Audience Measurement Cookies. Essential Cookies. 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Benghazi buying MDMA pills