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Street drug markets beyond favelas in Belo Horizonte, Brazil

Belo Horizonte buying Ecstasy

Crime Science volume 4 , Article number: 36 Cite this article. Metrics details. This study examines whether social disorganization mechanisms that explain clusters of street drug markets in socially disorganized neighborhoods in developed countries can also help explain geographical patterns of drug dealing across neighborhoods in Belo Horizonte, Brazil. Data for this study includes drug arrests from to and socio demographic data from the Census. To examine the influence of exploratory variables on drug market locations, the Negative Binominal regression model was used at two levels of analysis—the Belo Horizonte city center and other neighborhoods including favelas. The findings show that a high hot spot of street drug markets located in the city center is positively associated with housing quality as well as negatively associated with residential tenure. Low hot spots were found in remaining neighborhoods, including impoverished areas of favelas and are related to key social disorganization indicators such as socio-economic status, age at risk, and residential tenure. This study has important implications for crime prevention policies and provides the basis for further comparative research on street drug markets across many different countries. The explosion of the transnational organized crime of drug trafficking, mainly cocaine, in the s has had a local impact on the emergence of street drug markets in disadvantaged neighborhoods in the large metropolises of developing as well as advanced nations. The rapid spread of illicit drug activity, visible on the streets of these impoverished areas has been associated with many other social problems and criminal activities such as the smuggling of guns, robbery, the trading of illegal goods, prostitution, and violence Zaluar ; Blumstein ; Goldstein ; Johnson et al. The local drug trade has also generated fear, inhibiting the ability of community residents in impoverished neighborhoods to restore social order and impacting the quality of life. Although street drug markets are densely clustered in these neighborhoods Kleiman ; Weisburd and Green ; Edmunds et al. While criminologists in the US have traditionally used the social disorganization theory to examine the geographical locations and characteristics of drug markets Saxe et al. This study tests the classical social disorganization variables to examine variations on the geographical patterns of street drug markets across neighborhoods in a large Brazilian city. Understanding the spatial distribution of these markets sharpens the insights of comparative criminology which has important implications for prevention policies that go beyond repressive enforcement. This study might contribute to a new line of comparative research into street drugs markets, shedding new light on the similarities and differences in social disorganization mechanisms that create hospitable conditions for these markets in different regions, as well as generate new insights into the prevention and control of these markets in deprived neighborhoods across developed and less advanced nations. Although sold in many different ways, street drug markets set up on the streets of favelas slums , known as bocas de fumo , is the most visible local drug activity in the country. Since the s, favelas have become generators of street drug markets. Footnote 1. The expansion of drug sales in these communities has triggered many other types of criminal activities Misse ; Beato et al. As a result, many of these favelas have been subjected to government intervention. In some cities, police strategies have been associated with causing the displacement of drug activity from the usual favelas to surrounding areas, including the city center Salgado Cracolandias are usually located in open settings such as streets, parks, abandoned buildings, and other well trafficked commercial areas in the central part of cities Domanico ; Grillo ; Frugoli and Spaggiari ; Salgado Nevertheless, not one quantitative study in Brazil has investigated the spatial distribution of street drug markets in relation to the conditions of neighborhoods. The authors hypothesize that the location of street drug markets is influenced by indicators of social disorganization that are distributed in the urban landscape within and beyond favelas. Belo Horizonte, founded in and located in the southern region of Brazil, on the border of Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, is the capital of the State of Minas Gerais, which is the fourth largest state in Brazil. The city occupies an area of square kilometers with an estimated population of 2,, people. According to the Census, out of , households in Belo Horizonte, With regards to the racial composition, the city is divided into The majority of blacks are concentrated in favelas Ferrari In addition, Approximately , people live below the poverty line. According to official data, there are individual neighborhoods in Belo Horizonte including favelas , vilas up-dated improved favelas , and other public housing spread throughout the city. Nearly half a million people live in the more than , households located in these areas. The rapid and disorganized growth of the city during the s along with the intense process of urban migration and housing deficit contributed to the further development of more favelas Oliveira Government improvement programs since the s have allowed favelas to become more integrated into the rest of the city. Favelas have evolved in a disorderly fashion creating a variegated mixture of urban progress including updated electricity, plumbing, sanitation, and finally, a thriving commercial area with extreme social marginalization and poverty. This has created a safe zone and a danger zone for life in the favela Alvito ; Zaluar ; De Souza This makes Belo Horizonte a conundrum in the fertile landscape of Brazil and allows us to examine the various conditions of neighborhoods and how they might shape the distribution of street drug markets in specific neighborhoods and not in others. In the US, the social disorganization theory, which was originally used to understand the social ecology of crime and delinquency Shaw and McKay has been applied in empirical research to explain the influence of social disorganization variables e. Overall their findings have shown a strong association between street drug markets and correlates of structural disadvantage at the neighborhood level. Since the s, a new wave of research on drug markets has provided a new body of knowledge that has helped to disentangle the relationship between socially disorganized neighborhoods and street drug markets. According to Rengert et al. First, the least amount of resistance is demonstrated by local residents who are basically disorganized, do not know or care to confront drug dealers directly, or simply feel helpless to do so. Secondly, impoverished neighborhoods have the largest proportion of population most vulnerable to the attraction of drug activity. This at-risk group includes the unemployed, the undereducated, and young men under the age of Thirdly, in these neighborhoods there is a concentration of environmental advantages that make the areas attractive to drug dealers. These advantages could include a high proportion of rental dwellings, proximity to homeless shelters, bars, liquor stores, unattended parks, as well as major thoroughfares, and transportation hubs Rengert et al. In addition to those factors, there are two other reasons that explain why drug dealers tend to be concentrated in specific areas. Firstly, a crowd of dealers in proximity to one another tends to provide better protection from the police Kleiman Once a specific area becomes well known as a source for drugs, it establishes a steady clientele of both resident and outside buyers. Additionally, Kleiman argued that these are locations that offer a low risk of apprehension for both sellers and buyers. Despite the contributions of these empirical studies in explaining the locations of street drug markets, social disorganization processes continue to frame contemporary explanations of street drug markets and other crimes Bursik ; Martinez et al. The urban landscape of large cities has changed since the pioneering work of the founders of the ecological studies on crime, but illicit drug activity as well as other social problems continues to be clustered in run-down neighborhoods. Based on the relevance of this scientific debate and the need to expand this debate into the international context, particularly in developing countries, this study test the social disorganization theory, which has been commonly used in the US, to investigate the association between indicators of social disorganization within and beyond favelas and the spatial distribution of street drug markets in the city of Belo Horizonte. In this study, neighborhoods are operationally defined by census tracts. Belo Horizonte is divided into census tracts 36 out of the total are concentrated in the city center with an average of residents per tract Census. Some scholars have criticized the use of census tracts or other administrative boundaries as an inappropriate proxy for neighborhoods Rengert et al. Census tracts are, however, the most used proxy for neighborhoods in most social disorganization research Hart and Waller The main advantages of using census tracts are that they are small units and relatively homogeneous in terms of socioeconomic and demographic characteristics. In this present research, the use of census tracts allows for the comparison of the influence of indicators of social disorganization on street drug markets in different areas throughout the city. In this study, street drug markets refer to geographically fixed locations where illicit drugs are bought and sold Johnson et al. In order to measure the existence and proliferation of these markets across neighborhoods, this study uses geo-referenced drug arrest data related to drug sales including cocaine, crack-cocaine, and marijuana occurring from to for the entire city of Belo Horizonte. The study does not provide information on the types of drugs that were sold. One of the problems of solely using drug arrests as a measure of drug markets instead of in combination with other possible sources such as intelligence records, community meetings, calls for service, and public surveys among others Jacobson , is its failure to fully capture the precise picture of much of the drug activity which goes unreported. Arrest data may also be biased by police corruption and impunity. Although these factors could influence the validity of drug arrests as a measure of street drug markets, drug sale arrests continues to be commonly used as a relevant measure of street drug markets in empirical research Lipton et al. Additionally, this study uses the Census data provide by IBGE to measure indicators of social disorganization, which includes household density, residential tenure, racial heterogeneity, socio-economic status, age risk between 15 and 24 , and housing quality. Police data related to drug sales shows an increase in the total number of arrests per year during this period of analysis. The total number of arrests rose from in — in This represents an increase of Although it is not clear whether this increase in arrests signifies an escalation of sales or is simply the result of more intensive policing, the data indicates its recurrence in the city. This is demonstrated by the Kernel density function map see Fig. Based on aggregated arrest data for all the years in analysis, the map above, which shows the neighborhoods polygons , clearly demonstrates the evolution of street drug markets. Low-and-medium density hot spots are highly concentrated in specific slums as indicated on the map. High-density hot spots are also evident and basically concentrated in the city center as well as nearby slums. This finding is also supported by the Pearson correlation coefficient, which shows that the location of these drug markets is constant over the years in the study. In this study, household density is used as an indicator of population density. It is calculated by the average number of people per household for households at the census-tract level of analysis. Household density is an adequate indicator of crowding which in turn is associated to poverty and the likelihood of criminal activity Harries A large number of rental units as opposed to owner units has a negative impact, leading to a higher crime rate and increased drug activity Rengert et al. This variable is measured by the proportion of rental units in the census tracts. Traditionally Brazil is considered a racial democracy. Footnote 2 However, the idea that there is no racial discrimination in the country has been de-mystified by empirical research showing that both blacks and people of mixed race, have been subjected to socio-economic disadvantages in comparison with whites Ribeiro et al. Although the Brazilian Census categorizes race according to the categories of white Branca , black Preta , mixed Parda , yellow Amarela , and indigenous Indigena Waiselfisz , researchers who use census data to study race in Brazil have used a dichotomous category—white and non-white—to examine racial inequality in the country Ribeiro et al. This study follows this tradition and measures race in terms of white and non-white. An index of racial inequality IRI is used to measure racial heterogeneity. If the value of the IRI is equal to 1, all households in the census tract were formed by whites. Finally, if the value of IRI is zero 0 the proportion of whites and non-white in all households in the census tracts is equal. Socio-economic status is based on the minimum salary. If the value of the IHSES is equal to 1, all households in the census tract had incomes above two minimum salaries per month. Finally, if the value of the IHSES is equal to zero, the proportion of households with incomes above and lower than two minimum salaries is equal. This variable refers to an indicator of neighborhood conditions including access to infrastructure and public services that can have an effect on the quality of life. In this study a factorial analysis using Varimax rotation was performed to create the housing quality factor HQF. This factor includes the following components: a percentage of households with no access to water supply, b percentage of households with no bathroom facility, c percentage of households with no electricity, and d percentage of households with no sanitation service. If the HQF is higher, the access of individuals and their families to basic infra-structure and services is worse. Studies have shown that adolescents are more likely to explore possibilities leading to a life of possible crime and delinquency Hunter Research has given evidence that youths, because of their vulnerability and impressionability, are easy targets for drug involvement as users and sellers Johnson et al. Dealers tend to target areas where youths congregate such as shopping malls, sporting arenas, and public parks Curtis and Wendel ; Freisthler et al. In addition, in impoverished areas, low informal control mechanisms, family-structure breakdowns, peer pressure and a history of cultural violence are all factors contributing to the age-risk that makes youths, usually young men, more likely to engage in delinquency Shaw and McKay Although these findings are relevant in the US, they can also be applied to the same conditions in Brazil, where research has shown that a high proportion of impoverished youths in favelas often provide an ever-growing mass of inexpensive recruits available for the use of drug lords Zaluar ; Dowdney ; Zaluar ; Nascimento Table 1 below illustrates a descriptive analysis of the independent variables. In Criminology research, crime is an event which can be observed through incident counts. In both cases, the Poisson and the negative binominal NB regression models are relevant to the analysis of count data. The main difference between these models is related to the assumptions regarding the conditional mean and variance of the dependent variable. The Poisson regression model assumes that the conditional mean and variance of the distribution is equal, while the NB regression model does not assume an equal mean and variance, and thus the Poisson model is particularly appropriate for correcting overdispersion in the data Paternoster and Brame ; Osgood Since many have noted that criminological data rarely exhibit equal means and variances, the NB regression model has become increasingly popular for use in contemporary studies of crime MacDonald and Lattimore ; Silva In this study, we use NB regression to examine the relationship between street drug market locations and indicators of social disorganization. The results of the exploratory analysis observed through the kernel density function previously discussed suggest that the city center of Belo Horizonte, compared to the rest of the city, has different characteristics that may explain its high concentration of drug sale. In fact, the city center of Belo Horizonte is very unique in comparison to the rest of the city because of its complex urban landscape formed by residential and office building complexes, intense commerce and shopping-malls, major transportation hubs, convention centers, hotels, prostitution zones, cracolandias , bars, discos, public parks, and higher transient population in comparison with the rest of the city. The convergence of all these factors in the city center contributes to an increase in opportunities for illicit markets, while increased anonymity due to the population in transit reduces natural surveillance. Overall, the city center suggests a crime generator scenario that creates many opportunities for illicit drug activity. Furthermore, as suggested by the literature, areas of prostitution and illicit markets for goods contribute to the creation of crime attractor spots attracting buyers and drug dealers Felson and Boba It is possible that all these environmental characteristics inflate the results and contribute to make the city center an area of relative risk for drug markets. This means that the city center should be treated separately in the statistical modeling. This was also verified using the NB regression model for the entire city, including an indicator variable tracking whether the census tract belongs 1 or does not belong 0 to the city center of Belo Horizonte see Table 2 below. Due to the significance of this result, showing the relevant patterns of center of the city to be distinct, the main goal of this study is to understand the relation between variations in the social conditions of neighborhoods and spatial patterns of street drug markets in the city center in comparison with other parts of the city. For these reasons, we have separated the data into two groups for better analysis: 1 downtown census tracts and 2 others census tracts. The analysis of independent variables will be presented in the following table for each level of analysis. The results of the overall regression model NB pointed to the need to work with two levels of analysis: the city center alone and the remaining outside neighborhoods including favelas. The city center remained separate from other neighborhoods due to its unique characteristics. The concentration of commercial areas, combined with modern residential apartment buildings, major transportation hubs, parks, and the intense flux of vehicle and pedestrian traffic is in sharp contrast with visible pockets of blight in the city. This would include areas of prostitution, homelessness, cracolandias , vacant lots and buildings, low-income shopping malls, as well as the sale of counterfeit merchandise via street vendors. All the tests were conducted using the drug arrest data at the census-tract level. Table 3 below illustrates the findings for the city center. The racial heterogeneity index is negatively associated with street drug markets, showing that changing the racial composition of the census tract from non-white to white is associated with a significant reduction in the risk of the occurrence of drug arrests. In addition, residential tenure is negatively related to drug markets. The housing quality index HQI is strongly related and positively associated with street drug markets. However, this observation must be evaluated with care, since a small variation in the logarithmic scale can represent a very large variation in the original scale. Table 4 above shows the age variable is statistically significant and has a positive correlation with the presence of street drug markets. For every 1-unit increase in the proportion of the population at the risk age, drug arrests increase by 3. Furthermore, the association between housing quality and street drug markets is positive. A similar association was found for the entire city of Belo Horizonte as well as for the city-center level. On the other hand, the increase of 1 unit in the proportion of household income at the census-tract level reduces the number of drug arrests by Additionally, the association between residential tenure and street drug markets is positive, but the effect is very small. For every 1-unit increase in the proportion of rented housing at the census-tract level, drug arrests are increased by 1. Overall this study demonstrates that social disorganization variables are correlated with the geography of street drug markets. This geographical pattern is also comparable to the US. The negative association between racial heterogeneity and street drug markets is supported by research showing that street drug markets are more likely to be established in non-white neighborhoods Rengert et al. However, in this study, the relation between race and street drug market density needs more investigation since the findings might be biased by the differential drug enforcement policies directed towards blacks and racial inequality in the country. The increase in socio-economic status which is measured by the index of household socio-economic status is associated with a reduction in street drug markets. This result supports Saxe et al. Another finding is the positive association between the housing quality and street drug market venues. Although the measures used for housing quality in this current study differ from those used in research in the US, there is still a correlation that exist between housing quality and street drug markets in both countries. The current research findings are again comparable to the US. A lack of urban infrastructure and public services is associated with government neglect, which leads to a high rate of drug and criminal activity—a recurrent pattern in favelas Alvito ; Beato et al. Finally, the negative association between rented units and street drug sale arrests in the city center is in contradiction with the social disorganization theory. This finding agrees with the results of previous research on street drug markets Rengert et al. Belo Horizonte, like any other large metropolis in Brazil, has experienced a growth of large apartment complexes, an urbanization process common in large metropolises across the globe. This has resulted in an increase of the number of rental units. The large proportion of residential apartment buildings along with the security that entails e. Rengert et al. This study has important implications for the framework of comparative criminology and practical prevention polices. Firstly, it demonstrates the similar conditions of neighborhoods internationally, emphasizing the importance of geographical factors as related to street drug markets in Belo Horizonte and the US. While corroborating the social disorganization theory, the study supports the applicability in explaining the relationship between the conditions of neighborhoods and the existence of street drug markets in an urban context outside the US. Secondly, using census tract as a small-scale measure of neighborhoods, the study allows us to make comparisons illuminating differences between street drug market density across the city center and its environs. This also helps to de-mystify the idea of impoverished neighborhoods as being the main problem. Social disorganization mechanisms are not an exclusive attribute of these areas, but can occur to varying degrees on a small scale throughout the urban landscape. The study also shows that street drug markets overlap with a very specific type of census tract, indicating a difference in the influence of social disorganization factors across census tracts within and beyond favelas. Thirdly, the current study touches on major policy implications. This same principle should be applied in Belo Horizonte in those small areas where poor housing quality correlates with drug arrests. Based on this insight, improvement in housing quality within these sensitive areas would enhance a sense of community involvement which would deter potential drug activity. In addition, practical polices should be focused in areas where there is a higher proportion of at-risk youths. Similar programs should be implemented in Belo Horizonte, where a higher concentration of youths at risk of involvement in drug activity as users or buyers overlaps with a high density of drug markets. To sum up, the suggestion has been made that future research should focus on smaller units of analysis than census tracts, such as street segments or blocks, which have been traditionally used to research crime in the US. This would help form a more precise examination of variations in the locations of street drug markets within census tracts themselves. The Criminology of Place highlights that social disorganization varies in space in the same way that crime does. This model suggests that social disorganization indicators should be integrated with immediate environmental features and opportunities to explain patterns on a small scale of analysis Weisburd et al. Based on this premise, new lines of research on drug markets in Brazil should examine the relationship between risk-features at the level of place that influence street drug market density. Future research should also examine how interventions at locations where drug activity takes place can influence the displacement of street drug markets. Our findings are consistent with previous research that claim geographical patterns of drug markets overlap with social disorganization features of neighborhoods; thus the study provides basic elements relevant to the comparative debate on patterns of street drug markets in the US and Brazil. However, the findings should be taken with caution. This study does not differentiate between types of drugs and demand, which might have an influence on drug sale sites. Therefore, it would help to identify and compare differences and similarities between the dynamics of these markets, examining how and why they crop up only in certain settings. Additionally, the causal order between drug activity and social disorganization cannot be established in this study. Finally, any generalization should be taken with caution due to validity problems related to the use of drug arrests as the sole measure of street drug markets. Favelas are informal urban settlements built by poor workers and their families who migrated from rural areas to large cities searching for a better quality of life in the nineteenth century. They are not homogeneous in terms of social and economic conditions. They are often located in areas of ecological risk subjected to geographical erosion and natural disasters, where inhabitants built their shacks without any official control, and exhibit signs of poverty and social disorganization. These areas tend to be interspersed within other urban settings with a visibly better standard of living De Souza Drug lords discovered the most favorable conditions in favelas , including volatile communities marked by decades of government neglect, a lack of resources and basic infrastructure, police inefficiency and corruption, as well a high rate of unemployment and other social problems Misse ; Zaluar and Alvito ; Leeds ; Beato et al. Brazilians trace their heritage to the history of cultural miscegenation among the Portuguese colonizers, African slaves, and native Indians. For decades, race was synonymous with skin color and physical features, with the spectrum of colors varying from pale-white to blue-black. The large proportion of people who identify their skin color failling into the intermediate palate of various shades of brown classify themselves as mixed pardos or morenos. According to the Census, blacks and people of mixed race represent In , 28, blacks were victims of violence in comparison with 10, whites, corresponding to Minimum salary refers to the government-established minimum wage per hour for someone working a full-time position in Brazil. Alvito, M. As Cores de Acari. Uma favela carioca. Rio de Janeiro: FGV. Google Scholar. Anderson, E. Code of street: decency, violence, and the moral life of inner city. New York: W. Beato, C. Clusters of homicides and drug trafficking in belo horizonte. In Cadernos de Saude Publica Ed. Criminal activities structuration: a case study. Revista Brasileira de Ciencias Sociais Vol. Blumstein, A. Youth violence, guns, and the illicit-drug industry. Journal of Criminal Law and Criminology, 86 1 , 10— Bursik, R. 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Western Criminology Review 5 1 , 1— Accessed 23 Nov Accessed 25 Jan Waiselfisz, J. Accessed 3 Sep Weisburd, D. Policing hot spots: the Jersey city drug market analysis experiment. Justice Quarterly, 12 , — Academy of Criminal Justice Sciences. Criminology of Place street segments and our understanding of the crime problem. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Book Google Scholar. Zaluar, A. A Maquina e a Revolta. Sao Paulo: Brasiliense. Condominio do Diabo. Integracao Perversa: Pobreza e Trafico de Drogas. Download references. EDS conceived and coordinated the study, acquired the data, participated in its methodological design, interpretation of results, and wrote the manuscript. BFAS: participated in the research design, carried out the spatial and statistical analysis, and helped in the interpretation of the results. MOP carried out the statistical analysis and participated in the interpretation of the results. All authors read and approved the final manuscript. Antonio Marcos Bicallho and Cel. Daniel Garcia for providing access to the police data. Eric Piza for his technical support and advice. Joel Miller for his input. Criminal Justice Department, St. You can also search for this author in PubMed Google Scholar. Correspondence to Elenice Oliveira. Reprints and permissions. Oliveira, E. Street drug markets beyond favelas in Belo Horizonte, Brazil. Crime Sci 4 , 36 Download citation. Received : 25 April Accepted : 18 November Published : 02 December Anyone you share the following link with will be able to read this content:. Sorry, a shareable link is not currently available for this article. Provided by the Springer Nature SharedIt content-sharing initiative. Skip to main content. Search all BMC articles Search. Download PDF. Abstract This study examines whether social disorganization mechanisms that explain clusters of street drug markets in socially disorganized neighborhoods in developed countries can also help explain geographical patterns of drug dealing across neighborhoods in Belo Horizonte, Brazil. Background The explosion of the transnational organized crime of drug trafficking, mainly cocaine, in the s has had a local impact on the emergence of street drug markets in disadvantaged neighborhoods in the large metropolises of developing as well as advanced nations. Research field Belo Horizonte, founded in and located in the southern region of Brazil, on the border of Sao Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, is the capital of the State of Minas Gerais, which is the fourth largest state in Brazil. Theoretical framework In the US, the social disorganization theory, which was originally used to understand the social ecology of crime and delinquency Shaw and McKay has been applied in empirical research to explain the influence of social disorganization variables e. Methodology In this study, neighborhoods are operationally defined by census tracts. General patterns of drug activity in Belo Horizonte Police data related to drug sales shows an increase in the total number of arrests per year during this period of analysis. Full size image. Results and discussion The results of the overall regression model NB pointed to the need to work with two levels of analysis: the city center alone and the remaining outside neighborhoods including favelas. Conclusions This study has important implications for the framework of comparative criminology and practical prevention polices. Notes Favelas are informal urban settlements built by poor workers and their families who migrated from rural areas to large cities searching for a better quality of life in the nineteenth century. References Alvito, M. Google Scholar Anderson, E. Google Scholar Beato, C. Google Scholar Blumstein, A. Article Google Scholar Curtis, R. Google Scholar Edmunds, M. Google Scholar Felson, M. Article Google Scholar Frugoli, H. Article Google Scholar Grillo, C. Google Scholar Lipton, R. Google Scholar Martinez, R. Article Google Scholar Misse, M. Google Scholar Misse, M. Article Google Scholar Osgood, D. Article Google Scholar Paternoster, R. Article Google Scholar Piza, E. Google Scholar Rengert, G. Chapter Google Scholar Rengert, G. Google Scholar Ribeiro, L. Google Scholar Sampson, R. Article Google Scholar Sapori, L. Google Scholar Silva, B. Google Scholar Sun, Y. Article Google Scholar Weisburd, D. Book Google Scholar Zaluar, A. Google Scholar Zaluar, A. Google Scholar Download references. Acknowledgements Cel. Competing interests The authors declare that they have no competing interests. View author publications. About this article. Cite this article Oliveira, E. Copy to clipboard. Contact us General enquiries: journalsubmissions springernature.

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