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Belize where can I buy cocaine
The Caribbean Basin has been explored and described with clockmaker's precision since the sixteenth century. Priests, soldiers, litterateurs—in short, people of varied condition and fortune—left us with a map of the area so exact that today we use some of their coordinates to find our bearings. Besides providing fresh news in terms of drug trafficking, state anomie, and the flow of migrants, this feature also delivers a first assessment of current North American geopolitics. As it is generally known, the decisions taken since by the government of President Trump have reconfigured the area and opened a multitude of unprecedented questions. What will be the impact of these new policies? Nobody knows, but—as the feature's author so eloquently suggests—the southern border of Mexico is, or seems in the process of becoming, a very sunny place for people with very dark lives. The coastal region shared by Mexico, Guatemala and Belize is one of the most porous and unknown regions in the southern border of the Americas. You can find him right there, living his life on his rooftop. The last man in Mexico has no electricity, running water, or land access to his house. He has no fridge, television or fan, and just sometimes his old cell phone picks up the signal from Belize. But he knows things that may seem impossible to other mere mortals, such as fishing with a shoelace, desalinating seawater, planting seeds on the beach or using his mouth to extract venom from the Nauyaca—the fer-de-lance, one of the deadliest vipers in the world. Three years after reaching the very last corner of Mexico, he has learned that everything that comes from the sea has some use: a piece of string to jump-start the propeller, a shoe sole shaped into a hinge, a bottle-cap to fasten a nail. Don Luis goes out for a walk every day as soon the sun comes up In the company of his dog Canelo, a brown Hungarian Vizsla. He used to walk along the sand, but they now both saunter over a foul-smelling carpet of Sargassum, the gulfweed that invades the Caribbean and gives off an unbearable stench of rotten egg along the shores. On the day I go with him, along the brown mass strewn with tin cans, flip-flops, bleach containers, lids and potato chip containers, there are also hundreds of plastic bags the size of the palm of a hand. They're all the same, half-opened and with residues of white dust and sea water. He says he is simply going out to make sure everything is in order, but during our walk I hear a new verb for the first time: playear, to beachcomb—the dogged search for cocaine bricks dropped on the shore by small planes. This Robinson of the Caribbean is an affable man that only slips on his shoes to walk down the beach. He can recognize every kind of engine that passes in front of his house simply by listening to its hum, and he goes on to show it:. The last man in Mexico may not have Netflix, but all he has to do is sit at his balcony to watch high-speed boat races, police chases, and clandestine planes flying by. For Xcalak, kilometres away from all of this, the Caribbean and the trade winds that communicate them are also their way of life. In the southern end of Quintana Roo, two hours from Chetumal, Xcalak is a spectacular village of palm trees, turquoise waters, two lighthouses and a lagoon. There are times when the bricks are thrown out by speedboats arriving from nearby islands as they attempt to erase all evidence and gain speed as they flee from the patrol boats, tossing their cargo into the sea. Thanks to these winds, it makes no difference what part of this sea you chuck anything into—sooner or later it will most likely end up in Xcalak. In the stretch of gulfweed that Don Luis looks after, for example, a Haitian doll has appeared, as well as a bottle from the Dominican Republic and a piece of wood with African detailing. Here, young people are the first ones to learn that the future doesn't lie in working but in rapidly searching for, finding, and buying a speedboat to keep combing for more. Marijuana can appear one day, but maybe a year or two later you'll find the cocaine that will pull you out of poverty. A month and a half ago, in late February, Don Luis had to leave for a few days to visit the city. When he returned to Xcalak, no one had to tell him that a cargo had dropped in his absence. It was the dead of the night when Don Luis heard his Yamaha cutting through the bay. El Guanaco is a tough, cagey guy that smokes marijuana non-stop. His nickname correctly suggests he was born in El Salvador, and at 33 he has lived more lives than I have space to describe. He says he left San Salvador when the gangs were about to kill him. He then fled to Belize, where he worked in the fields that belonged to the Mennonites, the ultraconservative Christians that live on the border, until he hid out in Xcalak, the last place where anyone would ask about him. El Guanaco is athletic and brown-skinned and has several tattoos on his chest and back. There is a ban on capturing them in Xcalak, so he dives in Belizean waters, where there is less vigilance. And few guys are capable of doing it like he does. When he comes back up, he spins around in a circle, casting light around him in case sharks arrive. So today El Guanaco sticks his oar lazily into the water without taking his eyes away from anything floating around. As he rows his oar with the airs of a gondolier, El Guanaco remembers that day five years ago when he found a beautiful package of cocaine. With that I furnished my house, I bought myself a motorbike and one for my wife In the end, the money lasted under a year. Besides the winds, the new ally for the Caribbean's waste pickers or pepenadores is gulfweed, which leaves a dense mantle of vegetation on the seashore that makes the place ugly, damages corals, leaves the fish without oxygen and scares away tourism. The algae spreading through the Caribbean is worrying for Mexico, Panama, the Dominican Republic, and Florida, but not for those that take advantage of the currents. El Guanaco received quite a few blows two weeks ago. One can infer from his raw knuckles that he defended himself as well as he could, but it was a beating in every sense of the word. He was working for one of the local drug lords—in other words, charging for beachcombing and for searching the sea for bricks, getting paid up front as he used the speedboat and wasted gas. But he left his boss and began to work for another one. You can get a similar amount of crack for much less. You have to stir constantly until the water evaporates, without burning it. Then you place it on a board and you begin to cut the cocaine with a large knife. To get crack, you cook the cocaine on a double boiler with baking soda. The Zetas, the cartel that years before spread terror throughout Mexico, have lost power but hold on to small cells in the tourist areas. In the rest of the region, small cartels—almost family-sized—have proliferated and participate in the hustle and bustle. The merchandise leaving Xcalak is delivered in Chetumal, and from there it travels towards the north or to Cancun—the city with the third-highest cocaine consumption in Mexico, according to the National Addictions Survey. In the other direction, a twelve-hour drive down a good highway leads from the capital of Quintana Roo to Veracruz, and it takes around twelve more to reach Brownswille. The remnants of two shipwrecks peer out from the water in front of the dock. Many ships with a keel failed in their attempt to reach Xcalak through the coral reef. On the streets of Xcalak, the remnants of better days are also visible—the years when it had as many as 3, inhabitants, a shipyard, and even a dance hall. Back then, enormous quantities of sea snails, turtle eggs, lobster and shark left the docks for export. That lasted until , when Hurricane Janet swept it all away and killed a third of the population. Tourists come to practice fly fishing or find the most exquisite diving, and they stay in six hotels priced at dollars a night that employ around 40 people. Its four delegates may lack the means, but they have the enthusiasm to fight for closed seasons, preventing illegal fishing and protecting the coral reef. Since the municipality has no police force, they report every single illegal activity to the Navy. And that, of course, is a big deal. And then he had poor judgement, and he spent it all on alcohol and other crap that left him even worse off. The Xcalak graveyard lies on the outskirts of town, on a plot of beach sand reclaimed from the mangrove. In this forgotten paradise, crack costs the same as a bottle of Coke and a bag of chips—and the consequences can be found in the cemetery. Guatemala records one suicide for every 41, people, according to official numbers, but in this village with fewer than one hundred graves there are at least four—and all young. Nearly a dozen testimonies point toward him and his second-in-command as the drug lords here, in association with his compadre, the mayor of Mahahual, the seat of the municipal government. The delegate tells me he will be out of town, but he refers me to the deputy delegate, who lives on the edge of the village. In the shade of the bougainvilleas and the coconut trees, two friendly families are finishing their lunch. They laugh, joke around and dig out any remnants of food from their teeth with a toothpick. On the checkered tablecloth lie lobster and shrimp leftovers, and four municipal policemen stand guard with their weapons hanging from their necks. People are free to go wherever they wish. If they do it again, they are given a warning, and if they go too far again Evening falls on Xcalak and a light breeze moves the palm trees and boats. In this case, Xcalak's ease in creating words has managed to refine the term by combining both definitions. The officer from the National Migration Institute INM emerges from his office with half the regulation uniform on: the olive-green trousers and a white tank top. The agent looks up and down, rubs his testicles, scratches his grizzled, several-days-old beard and heads back for the testicles. In the time our conversation lasts, a couple with a bicycle, four women loaded with cleaning products and a young man wearing a Barcelona T-shirt and carrying a box of beer have passed from Mexico to Belize through this heat and fly-laden place without any documents beyond raising an eyebrow. And in the opposite direction, a family of Mennonites and one more Mennonite with his Black driver. Hundreds of families go down the shore and cross every day to go to class, visit a relative, fall in love or buy something cheaper, even before it was referred to as contraband. Carmen, from Mexico, is slight, has deep eyes and sells second-hand clothes on both sides of the border. They liked each other, they got married and went to live to Belize because the salaries are better, but they come back to Mexico every day to eat with the family. In terms of what she likes about one country and the other, Carmen criticizes the brutality that has made Belizean police sadly famous. Throughout the route, there are myriad unmonitored accesses such as the one on Cocoyol. Surrounded by lush greenery, on the outskirts of the Calakmun Biosphere Reserve, San Francisco Botes is a village of people and far removed from Tijuana. The borders between the poor are practical spaces that have to do with survival, with love or with a suckling pig for Christmas, where everyday life prevails over patriotic symbols. When the Navy found the last plane in March, just a few kilometres from here, there were also two pickup trucks with one thousand litres of jet fuel amidst the underbrush. By the time airport security reacted, both pilots had already escaped by leaping over the fence and abandoning a passenger Jet Hawker on the runway with a ton and half of cocaine on board. Since then, 67 public servants have been expelled from the office in Chetumal, and in other places such as Tapachula Chiapas , the level of decay was such that the government directly decided to close the entire migratory station, leaving hundreds of migrants in limbo. On the other side of the river, on the Belizean side, two huge, shirtless Black officers laugh as they watch a TV show at the customs guard house in Blue Creek. Without ungluing his gaze from the screen, the imposing officer opens the door to a new world and one of the most contrasting images of the border. Spread out through countries such as Canada, Mexico, Paraguay and Bolivia, Mennonites are a Protestant group that emerged in the 16th century, with over one million believers in Latin America. It is a pacifist current born in what today is Switzerland, Germany and Poland, and they have been persecuted and forced to migrate through countries such as France, Russia and Canada since their break with the Catholic Church and the Lutheran Reformation in In the only shop in town, which also serves a bank and a civic centre, everyone—mainly white, almost transparent, and covered in freckles, and a few Salvadoran workers—greets each as their paths meet. Blue Creek is twinned with two other Mennonite communities, Shypyard and Spanish Lookout, where around 3, families live. They are both ultraconservative and have renounced electricity and move around in horse-drawn carriages. Few borders in the world can provide as much visual contrast as the one separating the United States and Mexico. Mennonites arrived from Chihuahua, Mexico, to that Caribbean nation almost 60 years ago with nothing but the clothes on their backs. The government of Belize which was still known then as the British Honduras gave them over 85, acres almost 35, hectares in the northernmost tip of the country, with lush hills covered in kapok, mango and mahogany trees, of which not a scrap is left. They live in a parallel, separate world that operates with religious, fiscal and educational independence, where children are taught class in medieval German. They also have their own health system, police, a network of roads and even a small hydraulic centre. Drug trafficking can be a good argument to put an end to it. The planes that enter through the Caribbean find these perfectly plowed fields the ideal spot to land and stock up and, since January , at least one burned out plane appears in the village every month, Fonseca confirms. But he arrives at the interview with his hands dirty from the slaughterhouse, his checkered shirt stained with oil and wearing his work boots. Abraham Rempel—another one of the successful men in the community—is dressed in jeans and a worn-out shirt. He is a pilot and the owner of one of the companies that fumigates the Mennonite fields. Rempel recognizes that it is tempting to work for the drug traffickers and knows of several cases of pilots he trained himself who were never heard of again. In , the Mennonite communities in the north of Belize split into Blue Creek and Shypyard, physically close but socially differentiated. The first one, with around families, was in favour of modernity, new technologies and the industrialization of the countryside. The second, around 3, families, chose an orthodox line, and not even the electric company has been able to take power to the village. In Shypyard they use iron wheels, candles as light, wood for cooking, animals for working the fields, and music is forbidden. Arriving at the funeral is a journey through time, the perfect set design for a period movie. Dozens of horse-drawn carts await at the entrance. Outside, a bunch of very white, blond, neatly-brushed children dressed with overalls are waiting. They are dressed in short-sleeved shirts that had extra sleeves sewn on to them, so that today they are long-sleeved. The women wear headdresses and long black felt frocks with stockings, never mind the 40 degrees temperature. Inside, the men in suspenders with their shirts buttoned up to their neck, their cheeks ruddy from the sun and their hands large from working the fields, recite passages from the Gesangbuch, the book of prayers, as they stand next to the body. Whether he was mixed up in drug problems, it was a drunken binge, or sheer recklessness, no one wants to talk about it or look into it, or even know about it. Meanwhile, the funereal drone enters its sixth hour without changing its rhythm or cadence, and the Mennonite silence spreads its cloak over the community. Its survival depends on it. The cab driver turns the steering wheel of the old Toyota with his arms stiff like baseball bats and without shifting his eyes from the rear-view mirror as we move through Puerto Barrios. The door won't close, the windshield has two cracks held together with brown tape, and a bunch of wires peek out from the hole meant for a radio. The driver sweats profusely and only moves his gaze from the mirror to rub his face with the sleeve of his shirt. The only friendly gesture of the afternoon is aimed at another taxi driver, with a honk of the horn and the movement of a hand when they cross each other. Caribbean warmth never climbed into this taxi, and the man gets a bit more irked because of what he considers to be an absurd route. And, as a matter of fact, it is. The two men that just exchanged greetings and honks participated three months ago in a mass beating just a few streets from here, in which two young scoundrels were stoned and kicked to death. On Monday, February 18, , both cab drivers were part of the crowd of between and people that applauded the arrival of the grand finale like the curtain falling after a show. He had been dragged by the hair, his stomach was jumped on and he had been beaten with a traffic sign and a brick. During the last half hour, the crowd kicked his head like a rugby ball. When the old man grabbed a machete and stood between the boy and the beasts, his son was a dying, bloody wreck. Six months ago, the violent Barrio 18 gang arrived in town and began to demand the payment of weekly quotas from cab drivers, explains the chief of police at the station. In reality, the payment was a trap to catch the extortionists when they picked up the money. And they succeeded, and turned them over to the police. So people began to arrive to the police station and crowd together in front of the metal fence. Things began to heat up more, until the thugs were finally dragged out by their hair and turned over to the mob. Three months after the lynching, the stifling air and tropical calm have returned to the place. And another thing. The threat soon became a reality. Just a few days later, instead of delivering cell phones from the motorcycles that pulled up next to them, it was bullets to the head. An attempt every two weeks has left four drivers dead and two more hanging between life and death. The gang is demanding the heads of the taxi driver leaders. When one of them turned down an interview for this article, he—a man the size of a wardrobe—did so weeping. He had been shut up in his house for three months. Before stepping on the gas and saying goodbye with a grunt, Adrian—who requested his name be changed in exchange for telling his story—wipes off his sweat again. Now the passenger is sweating, too. The Finns have more than 40 words for snow and painters recognize types of red. In the most suffocating city in Guatemala, heat also comes in many shades. A hostile, dusty city with around , inhabitants, in the past few years it is constantly listed among the ten most violent cities in Guatemala. It is also the seat of the municipal government for places such as Morales, el Estor and Livingston, where the maritime mystique was buried by more mundane ingredients such as the coming and going of trucks, drug trafficking and corruption. Puerto Barrios is a flat, sprawling city where almost all the streets end up at the sea. The market is the vital core of an urban spread built with half-finished houses that have metal rods poking out, topped with a soft-drink bottle on the tip. Puerto Barrios could have been an idyllic place, surrounded by jungles, bays, isles with white sand and crystalline waters, but more than half the streets are unpaved and water and electricity disappear just as naturally as the waves come and go. In this gateway of Guatemala to the Caribbean, it's easier to die run over by a ton truck than from a coconut falling on your head. It is a kilometre stretch of coast between Honduras and Belize, six hours from the border with Mexico, a key place for transfers between Central America and the islands of the Caribbean. But the US State Department considers that the route is experiencing a second wind and, thanks to the prominence of the Dominican Republic and Venezuela, the flow of drugs has quadrupled over the last few years. The drug arrived on speedboats from Colombia after a refuelling stop in Panama. Puerto Barrios is also one of those places criminal groups from the US find easy to choose for introducing weapons to Central America, the most violent region in the world. In the opposite direction, Puerto Barrios is important because it is an exit point for thousands of exotic animals, the third most lucrative illicit business after weapons and drugs. According to the Wild Conservation Society WCS , a scarlet macaw from Belize or Guatemala—two of the countries with the greatest biodiversity in the world—could fetch up to 3, dollars on the black market after a previously agreed online purchase. Houses are built right up by the sea, there are dirt streets and no basic services, and families spend their time sitting on chairs outside the doors of their houses. But Puerto Barrios has been excluded from the privileged route and spits out its visitors. Few want to stay in a place where one thousand ton trucks pass through and the only decent hotel dates back to the days of Tarzan, so the bravest tourists reach the pier and then escape as fast as they can toward the other end of the bay. The wheeling and dealing and magic of the wharf with its bars and its brothels was gobbled up by enormous cranes that can empty out a freighter in six hours. Cranes with enormous arms move frantically from side to side, lifting boxes and piling them one on top of the other onto the trucks waiting in a single line. Since the seventies, the ports of the Guatemalan Atlantic have been used as a cocaine corridor. From here, you can reach Miami in six hours by sea, and drugs would be camouflaged in containers with fruits, green vegetables or shrimp. It was a business basically controlled by Cuban exiles in Miami and Guatemala who had the protection of the army and of a few local entrepreneurs committed to the anti-Castro cause. Drug exports in those years made Guatemalan and Cuban entrepreneurs millionaires. Later, the business remained in hands of small local cartels that opened up to the trafficking of migrants and animals, but who depended on Mexican cartels. In a warehouse in the port, two narcotics agents look through a container that arrived from Colombia. In its latest report on drugs in early June, the European Monitoring Centre for Drugs and Drug Addictions warned about the spike in cocaine shipments reaching its coasts, purer every time, in containers arriving from Africa and the Caribbean. The organization has set in motion a program to strengthen oversight, aware as they are that ports are the easiest way in. Her name is Molly,' he says, referring to the Belgian shepherd playing with a chunk of bone. Puerto Castilla doesn't have a walk-in freezer for inspections, so insurance companies threaten lawsuits in the millions against the ports in case the cargo is damaged. Of the 40 police officers on the team, eight are on narcotics, spread out over three shifts: two officers per shift to monitor the passage of one thousand containers per day. And Molly. Experts consider that there is more and more oversight in Mexican ports and that the trafficking of chemical components for producing drugs has been sidetracked to Guatemala. As he speaks, the governor is standing beneath an enormous portrait of President Jimmy Morales and another one of himself hugging his wife. But when he explains why five governors have passed through the position in less than three years, the institutional airs evaporate: 'It's too conflictive,' he sniffs. In contrast with Mexico, governors in Guatemala are decorative figures with barely any budget. Bosbelli recognizes that the maximum legacy he can aspire to leave behind during his administration is a clean river. Gangs and immigrants from Honduras are the most serious problem he has had to deal with since he accepted the position seven months ago. The equivalence drawn between being a gang member and a migrant, a technique used before by US President Donald Trump, provides the perfect excuse for ineptitude. Important ports are measured through the illustrious personages that lived there. Bowles and Hemingway made Tangiers and Havana immortal, but anodyne ports settle for knowing who passed through them. Three noted characters have passed through Puerto Barrios in the last century. Livingston's Black residents and Izabal's Mayas provided a perfect combination for filming their scenes of savages interacting with the white man. He was twenty-five years old and worked for a few weeks in the port unloading barrels of tar, he confessed to his mother in a letter. To get here you have to follow the route to the Atlantic and take a detour at kilometre , by the gas station in La Ruidosa. The service station's door has a bullet hole in the window; it looks like the macabre warning that we have reached the land of the Mendozas. Morales is a village with little charm, where the only noteworthy elements are the homes of the drug lords living there. The drug lords concentrate the power in these towns that have no more bars or fiestas than those allowed by them. In other words, very few. Morales has been for the Mendozas what Sicily was for the Corleones, the place from which they have operated their illegal enterprises and run a network of businesses in transportation, construction, and gas stations owned by them. The residences of the Morales stand out from all the rest. The one belonging to Haroldo Mendoza—arrested in , accused of massacre, forced disappearance, and property theft—is an enormous salmon-coloured dwelling with a gym in the lower floor. Obdulio's has a stone facade and a tiled roof with small lanterns. All of these and five more buildings were searched simultaneously during a police operation in Although the last name still sparks respect and fear, the police officer that accompanies me on the round recognizes they have lost a lot of power and don't have the fire power they used to have or the strong links to political power. Back in Barrios again, a line of horsepower, wheel Kenworth trucks crosses the port like a buffalo stampede. Over at Exa, the other brothel, drinks are 15 pesos more expensive less than a dollar , because it has air conditioning, explains Virginia, a Honduran prostitute that is around 20 years old. Virginia hates Puerto Barrios but offers a lesson in adaptation when she explains how, last week, she managed to close a deal for oral sex with a Chinese client thanks to Google Translate. It's almost midnight and I have to find a cab. The surprising thing is that someone arrives, despite the current curfew. In the end, Puerto Barrios, like Conrad's sailors, has no future, but it has a destiny and more literary worth than it would seem. Winners Shortlist About Apply Jury. True Story Award Awarded the 1st Prize. The Murky Waters of the Caribbean The coastal region shared by Mexico, Guatemala and Belize is one of the most porous and unknown regions in the southern border of the Americas. 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The Murky Waters of the Caribbean
Belize where can I buy cocaine
The Belizean government has traditionally taken a zero-tolerance approach towards the cultivation, sale, possession, and consumption of all recreational illicit substances. The group formed became the Decriminalization of Marijuana Committee DOMC chaired by Douglas Singh, the former Minister of Police and is comprised of five women and four men representing a cross section of the Belizean community. Three years later, in March , the group produced the report, Belize Decriminalization of Marijuana Committee. Final Report The DOMC recommends, among others, 'That it not be a criminal offense for anyone to be found in possession of up to 10 grams of marijuana. The criminal status of cannabis is difficult to enforce in Belize due to inadequate law enforcement resources, ready access to refugee labourers who work on cannabis plantations, and the large expanses of unpopulated land. However, with a U. Currently any activities associated with any narcotic drugs are outlawed by the Misuse of Drugs Act of This Act divides illicit drugs into three classes A, B and C without providing any mechanism for adding, removing, or transferring drugs between classes. Like the Misuse of Drugs Acts of other nations, this statute is designed to implement the provisions of the Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs and its supplementary drug control treaties. Cannabis and its resin are currently deemed Class B drugs and its use and possession are illegal. The Misuse of Drugs Act states that a person found in possession of more than 2 grams of heroine, 1 gram of cocaine, 30 grams of opium, 3 grams of morphine, or 60 grams of cannabis will be deemed complicit in drug trafficking. What reform proposals and reforms to the drug laws have recently occurred in the country? Let us re-intensify the work to make all our territories unusable to drug traffickers and users, and in so doing make our region drug free. Promisingly, in , the government of Belize released a press statement announcing the appointment of a committee to evaluate a proposal to decriminalise marijuana possession. The committee — to be headed by a former police minister — was appointed by the Minister of National Security. The proposal in question seeks to remove criminal sanctions for possession of up to 10 grams of marijuana and instead impose fines and mandatory drug education. The added impact of a permanent criminal record further disadvantages this already marginalized group as it establishes a barrier against meaningful employment…This is further supported by international trends toward decriminalization. In march the Decriminalization of Marijuana Committee DOMC released its Decriminalization of Marijuana Committee Final Report recommending 'That it not be a criminal offense for anyone to be found in possession of up to 10 grams of marijuana The prison system within Belize is both under-equipped and overcrowded. With prisoners per , citizens, Belize has the 9th highest per-capita prison population in the world. The presence and influence of drug cartels has also sharply affected the amount of crime in Belize. Between and , the intentional homicide rate in Belize more than doubled to a level 4 times that of Costa Rica, 3 times that of Nicaragua, and 2 times that of Panama. What does the law say about consumption? Is drug consumption a crime in the country? Drug consumption is currently outlawed in Belize. But there is no significance attached to the distinction of the various quantities of possession except where it passes the threshold of 60 grams. This means that the record may well reflect the crime and not the sum, criminalising all offenders regardless of the extent of the 'possession'. The discretion is left with the court to make a determination within the dictated range dependent upon the quantity that is found in the possession of the offender. This has been found to create uncertainty and inequity, since it is unlikely that two or more courts faced with an offender found in possession of the same quantum, will impose the same penalty. What provisions does the law make for problem drug users? Does the law guarantee that their rights will be respected? The treatment and rehabilitation options for problem drug users in Belize are very limited. Psychiatric nurse practitioners currently provide counselling and intervention for drug and alcohol abuse, however this service is expensive and severely limited in availability. The Belize National Anti-Drug Strategy also notes that there is a lack of coordination among research agencies as well as among treatment centers. There is also no national policy or set standards requiring the assessment and treatment of institutionalised individuals. However, a recent development was the March announcement that Belize is progressing towards the establishment of a drug court with assistance from the Organization of American States OAS. Dianne Finnegan, coordinator of the Youth Apprenticeship Program, said that sending youth involved in drug-related crimes to rehabilitation centres rather than prisons would ease their recovery and reintegration into society. Abdulmajeed Nunez, former employee of the Belize Central Prison, mentioned a proposal for a first offenders program that would eliminate the criminal records of first-offence drug users. How does Belize position itself in the international debate on drug policy? Belizean-American relations. Like many other Latin American nations, Belize receives funding and aid from the United States in anti-narcotic measures to reduce both drug trafficking and consumption inthe country. However, it is apparent that there is tension surrounding the strict anti-narcotic goals that Washington D. Belize is situated at the heart of the cocaine pipeline from South Mexico to the United States; as a result, approximately 10 tons of cocaine with a street value in excess of half a billion dollars passes through Belize each year. In recent years, Belize has taken a promisingly proactive stance towards highlighting the issue of drug reform amongst the international community. General Assembly a motion to debate alternative approaches to the war on drugs. The idea was initially proposed in September when Mexico, Guatemala and Colombia issued a joint statement questioning the efficacy of current drug laws and anti-narcotics strategies. The resolution received the support of 95 countries present at a November General Assembly meeting, and the drug policy summit UNGASS on drugs is now scheduled to take place in Most notably, the Belize National Anti-Drug Strategy was developed with the input and participation of more than 40 participants with a multi sectorial focus. The following non-governmental bodies and civil society institutions contributed to the formation of the Strategy:. Relevant drug laws and policy documents in the country. Belize National Anti-Drug Strategy - Belize Decriminalization of Marijuana Committee. Newsletter Subscribe to our newsletter. What are the trends in drug matters in Belize? What are the current drug laws in Belize? How have drug laws impacted the prison situation in the country? What role has civil society played in the debate on drugs? About drug law reform in belize Publication type Primer. The multilateral conventions to which Belize is a party are the following: Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs of Back to top 6. Back to top 7. Belizean-American relations Like many other Latin American nations, Belize receives funding and aid from the United States in anti-narcotic measures to reduce both drug trafficking and consumption inthe country. Back to top 8. Final Report Back to top. Publication: Newsletter banner Did you enjoy reading this content? Newsletter Subscribe to our newsletter Subscribe now. Hundreds of social struggles. Countless ideas turned into movement. Support us as we celebrate our 50th anniversary in Make a donation.
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