Azov in Captivity, Families Under Protocols: How Symbolic Support Replaces Real Solutions

Captivity That Was Not Supposed to Last for Years

What happened after the Mariupol garrison left Azovstal and why the families of defenders still do not know the truth and continue to fight for the return of their loved ones.

Mariupol is a city the whole world heard about in 2022. From the first week of the full-scale war, it was completely besieged along with a multi-thousand strong contingent of Ukrainian military personnel. Among them were many volunteers who had been defending the country since 2014.

Why the south of Ukraine fell under Russian control so quickly, leading to the rapid encirclement of Mariupol, remains an open question.

We all remember the events of May 2022, specifically from the 16th to the 20th. In full view of the world, the Mariupol garrison exited the territory of Azovstal. At the time, it was called an evacuation. In reality, however, it turned out to be captivity. A captivity that, instead of the promised 3–4 months, has already lasted four years.

During those days, the Ukrainian authorities commented very cautiously on what was happening at Azovstal. No one openly said that the soldiers were going into captivity. It was euphemistically described as “evacuation of all” and later as “honorable captivity.”

President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy gave an interview during the garrison’s exit from Azovstal, stating that the unblocking process would be handled by mediators—Western partners. He said he personally negotiated with Turkey, Switzerland, Israel, and France through the leaders of those countries due to their relations with Russia, when it became clear that military means could not unblock Mariupol. Before this, the president appealed to international partners to provide weapons to unblock the city militarily.

The president also stated that the soldiers trapped at Azovstal received a signal from their command that they had the full right to leave and preserve their lives. The mediators, alongside the aforementioned countries, were representatives of the UN.

Direct quote from the president:

"From here on, it depends on what the UN, the Red Cross, and Russia have committed to—that everyone will be safe and will await a certain exchange format. I think this will conclude the process, which is currently managed by intelligence, for evacuation, withdrawal, and preparation for dialogue and exchange."

This was the first more detailed information that families of the defenders heard, as officially no one had explained to the families what exactly was happening and what to do next.

The soldiers themselves, before leaving Azovstal, wrote to their loved ones that they were promised captivity for 3–4 months, proper conditions, and compliance with the Geneva Conventions. The mediators were named as the ICRC and the UN.

News reports revealed that the severely wounded were being taken to hospitals, while others were sent to the Olenivka colony.

On May 18, 2022, a video appeared on Russian Telegram channels from the colony, showing Ukrainian MP Oleksandr Kovalov speaking with the prisoners alongside a representative of the ICRC for several minutes. In the video, Kovalov is heard saying to the prisoners:

"Our president is doing everything to get you out of here. No one has abandoned you."

Later, years after the events in Mariupol, Kovalov independently posted a video from Olenivka on his page. Under this post, former prisoner of war Hennadiy Kharchenko asked: "You mentioned the president. Were these his promises to free the Azov soldiers as soon as possible?" Kovalov replied: "What was I supposed to tell the people—that they would be traded for ambitions the next day?"

However, no clear official information without vague formulations regarding the exit of the Mariupol garrison from Azovstal was ever communicated to the public or families of the prisoners.

An Interview That Raised New Questions

An interview with MP Oleksandr Kovalov, published by Babel, raised new questions. Some of his statements contradict previous public statements by the authorities, aside from the fact that intelligence was involved in the withdrawal process.

Kovalov said that the head of military intelligence, Kyrylo Budanov, asked him whether he could go to Mariupol again. When asked why, according to Kovalov, the answer was: “Is captivity possible?”

According to Kovalov, in early May 2022, they went to Mariupol a second time to discuss with Denys Prokopenko the format of the garrison surrendering into captivity. Dmitro Usov accompanied them. They traveled through a checkpoint near occupied Vasylivka, where, according to the deputy, they were met by the first deputy of GRU, Kryzhanivskyi, and a group of other unknown individuals. They continued their trip to Mariupol under escort.

Negotiations on the exit format took place in the village of Bezimenne at a recreation base.

According to Kovalov, the negotiations included himself, Dmitro Usov, Denys Prokopenko, and his deputy. On the Russian side—representatives of the GRU: Zorin, Alekseyev, and Kryzhanivskyi.

Thus, according to him, neither the UN, ICRC, nor international partners took part in the negotiations.

Kovalov also stated that Prokopenko was assured that the captivity would be short:

"Preserve your lives, and from captivity you will be able to return. The captivity will last 3–4 months."

The Olenivka Terror Attack

Two months after the Mariupol garrison entered captivity, on July 29, 2022, a terror attack occurred at the Olenivka colony.

The next day, Russia published lists of the dead and severely wounded.

A UN monitoring mission was created to visit the colony but was disbanded in January 2023 due to inability to carry out its mission.

To date, there has been no independent international investigation into the Olenivka tragedy. The affected soldiers remain in captivity.

Families’ Search for the Truth: Why They Protested and Went to Court

Since 2023, the NGO Olenivka Community has independently been seeking the truth about the tragedy and trying to save those who survived that hellish night.

In 2025, community representatives decided to hold protest actions. The level of injustice had reached a limit.

It became known that during exchanges, people accused by fellow prisoners of torturing comrades were being returned, while soldiers listed by Russia as severely wounded after the Olenivka attack remained in captivity.

Families took to the streets with one question:

"Why are the people who survived hell and were listed by the Russians themselves as severely wounded still not being exchanged?"

On the 1,000th day of captivity, families held placards. From all sides, they were filmed by special service representatives. Yet no response came from the authorities.

In March 2025, the families of victims of the Olenivka attack blocked traffic near the Verkhovna Rada. Security service representatives approached them, and others filmed the action from different angles.

They were asked: “Why are you doing this?” The community representatives replied that they wanted to speak with Kyrylo Budanov.

The response was: “Budanov will not come to you.” Later, they added: “Now you will wait a long time for your relatives.”

The traffic blockade lasted until the end of the scheduled action, causing inconvenience for ordinary citizens, although deputies had been notified of possible detours. Dialogue police acted with understanding and humanity, remaining until the end. After the action, police approached the organizers to issue a protocol, facilitated by a security service representative, which later led to a court hearing in June 2025 that documented the events.

Families of Severely Wounded in Olenivka: Fighting for Authorities’ Attention and Prisoners’ Rights

In April 2025, the co-founders of Olenivka Community launched an indefinite hunger strike.

The authorities, including the President’s Office, Security Service of Ukraine, Coordination Headquarters for POW Affairs, the Office of the Ombudsman of the Verkhovna Rada for Human Rights, police, and the Military Administration, were notified in advance. The action was also publicly announced.

The families hoped to be heard.

However, almost immediately after the announcement, local Security Service units began so-called “conversations” with the organizers, which later escalated to visits to SBU offices. Pressure was also applied to relatives of the organizers and people not involved in the action. Despite this, the families went to Independence Square.

From the start, Alexander Shcherban, representative of the Coordination Headquarters for POW Affairs, approached the participants, gave comments to journalists, and left. Later, Andriy Pasternak, head of the SBU joint center, arrived and assured that work on returning the prisoners continued without interruption.

During the protest, a mother of a severely wounded POW fell ill and was taken to an ambulance, where medical assistance was provided.

Representatives of the President’s Office met with the families, accepted their demands, and promised to review and help implement them—provided the families end the hunger strike and leave the square.

It is worth noting that the organizers had already been called to talks at the SBU before the action began.

Such actions by state authorities only deepen the distrust of POW families. Families of severely wounded Mariupol defenders who survived Olenivka have been trying for years to convey their pain to the authorities. They protest, begging for help and shouting about injustice, but face obstacles and indifference instead.

Symbolic “Support”

In October 2025, the families of Olenivka Community, together with other families of Mariupol garrison POWs, held a two-day action reminding that captivity cannot last for years.

A representative of the Coordination Headquarters for POW Affairs came to the protest. He stood silently for a minute, took photos, and left without even greeting the families, although he knew many personally.

Shortly after, an official post appeared on the Coordination Headquarters’ pages claiming that they were “with the families,” shared their pain, and fought for every prisoner.

This raises a logical question: “Is this work meant to help families and support them, or is it work for a public ‘photo opportunity’?”

Families Outside the Public Council

In October 2025, elections for the Public Council under the Coordination Headquarters revealed the unfair distribution of participation opportunities. The head of Olenivka Community, Oleksandra Mazur, announced during the protest that the organization did not even pass the first stage—submission of documents. Families reacted with ironic smiles, as the decision seemed predictable, and no further steps were planned.

Soon, the community representatives were suddenly admitted to the second stage—presentation of activities—explained by delays in mail delivery. By then, all participants’ presentations were ready and the schedule was set. The number of candidates slightly exceeded available spots.

Nevertheless, some families remained outside the Public Council, while spaces went to other prisoner associations, charities, and advocacy organizations.

Families Want to Be Heard

On July 28, 2025, President Volodymyr Zelenskyy met with former POWs—civilians and military alike.

Meanwhile, Olenivka Community appeals to the President to find a way to meet with families of those who survived the Olenivka tragedy. It is especially important to do so on the tragedy’s anniversary, when the families’ pain is felt most acutely.

"Mr. President, we have something to tell you about the hunger strike on Independence Square," the community representatives emphasize. "Families protest not because they do not know who to contact. They protest when they are not heard and are symbolically ignored."