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To this end, it will be important not to lose sight of the characteristics of this region — namely its geographical isolation — but also of the role and weight of national agricultural policies and their contemporary repercussions. The text also intends to discuss how the belonging to a global world can be operated discontinuously, and how, due to the lack of correspondence between the official language of heritage and local practices, namely regarding food consumption, heritage terminologies and concepts are subverted and appropriated by the inhabitants of Chefchaouen. In addition to this economic pressure, other issues such as the mismatch between national and local agricultural policies, the depopulation of rural areas 3 or the isolation of mountain populations, have contributed to the transformation of agricultural and food practices in the region. In it, I will cross ethnographic material with an anthropological approach to the transformations that have taken place over the last decades in the region of Chefchaouen. Afterwards, the text will focus on two ethnographic vignettes, which will seek to illustrate different local perspectives on food consumption and practices, placing emphasis on the polysemy and the scope of the concept of beldi , a central question in the argument of this text. In Chefchaouen, and contrary to what Newcomb refers in relation to Fez, the 'Mediterranean Diet' as a food regime did not end, considering that food practices and consumptions in Chefchaouen were not yet? Here, the designation of the colonial period remains operative, no longer in the language used, but trough national agricultural policies and their logics. Both - Mehdi and Zineb - generate discourses and mobilize practices concerning the food 'traditions' of the region, activating different values - authenticity or wholesomeness - but converging on an understanding of the fragility of local biodiversity and the need to preserve it. Thus, this section will serve, in general terms, to carry out an overview of the Moroccan internal policies related to agricultural practices, drawing attention - nevertheless - to the tremendous heterogeneity of the Moroccan territory, as well as its geographical features, and more concretely, to the specificities of the Moroccan Rif territory, whose configuration ultimately determines the absence of agricultural policies adapted to this region. If in Morocco, a territory with heterogeneous landscapes 11 , modern agriculture only developed categorically on the flat parcels along the Atlantic coast, it would be accurate to say that the traditional agriculture that was practiced in the rest of the country has been gradually deteriorating Holden The French colonial presence 12 and its agricultural policies, demographic pressure and lack of government investment are pointed out as the main factors of this decline Swearingen But, if we take into account the specific characteristics of the Moroccan Rif territory, we will easily understand that even the colonial policies — in the attempt, for example, to turn Morocco into the granary of France Swearingen — had no relevant impact there, not even to transform the traditional subsistence agriculture that is still practiced in the region. Based on irrigation, it was oriented toward the export of citrus and early vegetables. This policy has essentially continued intact to the present. Figure 1: Cannabis cultivation across the Rif. The second choice led, for many who were once engaged in agriculture, to come into contact with the world market of cannabis. Consequently, and in order to expand the space for agricultural cultivation, Rif farmers cleared the forest and the maquis 17 , which ended up accelerating the erosive dynamics of the subsoil Mouna Thus, we can find in the region a diversity of crops with at least six cereal varieties, eight legume varieties and fifteen fruit varieties Ater and Hmimsa After the neoliberal order, a new heritage order has arrived, precisely attributing value to what is local, ancestral and traditional, which translates, in Chefchaouen and its surrounding territory, into an appreciation of subsistence agricultural practices, which are inserted in this particular geography and until recently condemned to oblivion. The poor production of cereals in the territory meant that they rarely reach local markets, as they never constituted a surplus of production that could be dispensed. Agricultural practices that date back to periods of scarcity and hunger — like the one between and 23 — are based on commercial exchanges between local farmers, and it is from the s onward that the Chefchaouen souk undergoes considerable changes Middle- and upper-middle-income shoppers are drawn to these larger stores, especially if they provide imported and specialty items, previously only available at small specialty shops or acquired when traveling abroad. The progressive extinction of the Chefchaouen souk - either because there was no surplus production to be sold to third parties, or because commercial exchanges were no longer interesting from the perspective of food self-sufficiency, or even because, invariably, everyone produced substantially the same things - led to the dynamization of other markets, not dependent on local agricultural production, which ended up finding receptiveness in the local context. On the commercial importance of the Chefchaouen souk in the regional context of the Rif, Troin is peremptory in stating its diminished relevance:. A landlocked area, with limited production, served by very poor souks, it hardly participates in regional commercial life. Troin : Having been established as the place par excellence for commercial exchanges in the locality, the Chefchaouen souk — now promoted as Souk Beldi — is one of the places that best reflects the impacts and consequences of globalization in this territory. In , and in an attempt to legitimize and embody the rhetoric of connecting local populations with the territory and its agricultural diversity, the municipality of Chefchaouen relaunches the local souk, creating incentives for the presence of producers to be effective, and in particular that of women as intermediaries of this direct liaison between consumers and agricultural production, creating however a new and more appealing label: that of Souk Beldi. Indeed, one of the most expressive contemporary uses of the word beldi is precisely the one that converts it synonymous with biological and, accordingly, biological as synonymous with healthy. However, some products, although originating outside Morocco and having been introduced into the domestic sphere in the past, do not bear the roumi label; this is the case of salt, sugar and tea, and many other products highly valued within the local culture. This notion of good is, in its most expressive use, something that suggests, in contemporary societies, the idea of healthy, good for health, and is, eventually, the engine of all approaches to an idea of rural idyll: the countryside, the terroir, and the food produced there will help us to have a healthy life which, in turn, transforms our bodies into healthy bodies. This section will give us a glimpse of how the transformation of food practices into heritage is subverted and appropriated by local actors, who, recognizing heritage as a value, transport this value and transfer it to the idea of beldi. I had arranged to accompany Zineb to the market, as the next day — Friday — would be dedicated to preparing the couscous at her house. We agreed to meet between AM and 11AM at the entrance to Bab El Ain and, while I was waiting for Zineb, I watched the women who, dressed in the traditional Rif clothes: the straw hat chechiya , the wool belt kourziya and a cloth skirt medil Figure 2 , were getting installed in places still to be occupied along the small alleys that depart from Bab El Ain. Afterwards, and for about twenty minutes, I accompanied her to do her shopping. I was surprised by the speed and aggressiveness with which she did it - I could not tell whether it was a performance originated by my presence, or by her need to assert her status of belonging to a local elite and, consequently, of distance regarding rural populations. Source: Author's photo, July When she finally found something that she liked - for the relation between price and quality, I imagine - she would buy large quantities of that product. She told me at one point that many of the women who sell at the Souk Beldi are middlemen and not producers. These intermediaries are called samsar or samsara in the case of women and we can understand who they are based on the prices they ask for the merchandise. A samsar will always ask for more money than a producer. Here, direct contact with agricultural producers, and the shortening of circuits from producer to final consumer, are perceived as constituting a healthy and good way of life, something that Zineb would not have access to in her hometown. If, as mentioned by Jazi , one of the main obstacles in the consumption of biological products for Moroccan consumers is their price Jazi : , in Souk Beldi this obstacle appears nuanced, since all products that are found there are beldi - therefore, organic - lacking labels or tags that distinguish them from the others in the context of other commercial surfaces. For Zineb, this is also one of the great advantages of local food consumption: being able to buy organic products at low prices. The restaurant was full: lots of Japanese tourists, lots of Moroccans — mainly men, alone - the occasional table with couples of French or American tourists. I quickly realized who the owner was: Mehdi walked from table to table, talking to customers, paying special attention to the small groups of Japanese tourists who were accompanied by local guides. I introduced myself and told Mehdi that I would like to arrange a conversation with him about the restaurant and his perceptions of the existence of a specific Chefchaouen cuisine. We scheduled a conversation for that same afternoon, upstairs in the restaurant. This is, in fact, his activism: to promote local cuisine that, in his opinion, is composed only of indigenous products and ancestral ways of making. He mentions, for example, the flower season roses and orange blossoms in relation to which he has memories of women distilling the flowers of these plants to make various procedures in the kitchen. He basically insists on the idea of pre-existing knowledge and know-how concerning food preparation, that were capitalized by the rhetoric of heritagization. Here, the beldi label, being clearly linked to an idea of terroir , is anchored in the heritage dimension of food, and in the possibility of transmitting and preserving the memories and food practices that it allows. However, and what this text intends to illustrate, is that despite this contamination - and the way in which it so often makes us rethink our awareness about what we eat, the places where we live in, the commodities we use - it also leaves room for further readings and understandings about what these values are, or, better said, about how we best think and produce discourses about them. A place marked by isolation and hunger - which undoubtedly cemented its identity - now sees its food practices and the knowledge associated with them being recognized and valued by the world. Mehdi and Zineb are just two examples of how the plasticity of these inscriptions reveals itself: each one gives them the meaning that best suits their understanding of the place of this territory — and themselves - in the global world. Clearly, the mediterraneanization cf. Chefchaouen, despite being permeable to some global economies - such as the economy of kif, or the economy of heritage - remains an isolated place in the mountains of the Moroccan Rif, where tourists arrive but not supermarkets. Therefore, from subversion to appropriation, from UNESCO to the souk , from the restaurant to the domestic kitchen, food practices and consumptions are being thought, mobilized and lived according to the situation of this place on the periphery of the global world. ATER M. Biodiversity 9 : Ait Hamza ed. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Bendix, A. Peselman, Heritage Regimes and the State 6: Gottingen : Universitatsverlag Gottingen. Revista Andaluza de Antropologia 12 : Developmemnt Policy Review , 22 5 : Moroccan Households in the World Economy. Labor and Inequality in a Berber Village. PhD Thesis. Amsterdam: University of Amsterdam. The Geographical Journal 2 : Chinet dir. Geertz, H. Rosen, Meaning and order in Moroccan Society. Three essays in cultural analysis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press GRAF K. Bergeaud-Blackler, J. Fisher and J. Lever ed. Halal Matters. Islam, Politics and Markets in Global Perspective. London and New York: Routledge : Paideuma: Mitteilungen zur Kulturkunde , Baltes ed. International Encyclopedia of the Social and Behavioral Sciences. Oxford: Elsevier : Le Maroc en Chiffres. Rabat : Haut-Commissariat au Plan. Harris ed. Rethinking the Mediterranean. Oxford: Oxford University Press : The Politics of Food in Modern Morocco. Gainesville : University of Florida Press. JAZI S. Revue Marocaine de Recherche en Management et Marketing : Paris : Ibis Press. Everyday Life in Global Morocco. Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University Press. Hesperis-Tamuda , Vol. XLV: Moroccan Mirages: Agrarian Dreams and Deceptions, — Les Souks marocains. The taste of Place. A cultural journey into Terroir. California: University of California Press. Within the scope of this application, each country had to indicate its representative city of the 'Mediterranean Diet' on a national scale. Cannabis was cultivated in Morocco from the 7th century on, when Arab immigrants arrived in the Rif region in the north of the country. Cannabis cultivation remained sporadic at the end of the 19th century, mainly for self-consumption, although part of the production was sold in other parts of the kingdom El Omari and Toufiq However, due to constraints related to the pandemic crisis, it has been impossible to return to the ethnographic field. During the and stays, institutional and non-institutional contacts were made, interviews with tourists and the local population, as well as frequent visits to the souk and local restaurants. The fieldwork focused on the practices and food consumption of local populations, and on the perceptions of tourists in relation to their gastronomic expectations and the supply of local food products. With the local institutions, an attempt was made to identify and map policies related to food and the promotion of the 'Mediterranean Diet'. We will also take Bendix's awareness that authenticity can be transformed into a commodity. In it was in 11th place, in a list headed by Spain. Haut-Commissariat au Plan, Rabat, The phylloxera epidemic in the s decimated a considerable part of the region's vineyards, which were gradually replaced by other less fragile crops. This new support will notably benefit the populations living in the rural region of Al Hoceima EUR 19 million in Northern Morocco, characterized by its isolation, socio-economic backwardness in relation to the rest of the country and the presence of cannabis cultivation. The program will contribute to improving the living conditions and income of the population, through actions of decentralization and local development, job creation and social and environmental development. In this context, the program will place special emphasis on the economic integration of young people and women. Despite this announced investment, planned for Al Hoceima a city in northern Morocco, along the Mediterranean coast , the town was the stage for the Hirak Rif movement between October and June , which led to the arrest of more than people. Hirak, as a protest movement, focuses on demands for more employment opportunities, as well as the demand for social infrastructure, such as hospitals and schools, having been considered a late and geographically circumscribed Arab Spring in Moroccan territory. To ensure anonymity, this source will not be referenced. Navigation — Plan du site. Anthropology of food. Joana Lucas. Keywords: Morocco , Chefchaouen , Mediterranean diet , agricultural policies , heritage , food practices and consumptions , beldi. Plan Introduction. Farming, commercializing and consuming: food and agricultural strategies in Morocco. Souks and commodities: Chefchaouen and its markets. A toolbox for heritage: Zineb and Mehdi in Chefchaouen. Zineb and the Souk Beldi. Final remarks. Introduction 1 The classification of the Mediterranean Diet as an intangible cultural heritage of humanity has had Cannabis was cultivated in Morocco fr However, due to con In it was in Figure 1: Cannabis cultivation across the Rif Agrandir Original jpeg, k. This new support wil Notes 1 The classification of the Mediterranean Diet as an intangible cultural heritage of humanity has had, to date, two distinct moments: the first in , following a transnational application submitted by Spain, Italy, Greece and Morocco; and the second in , a request for a re-inscription, after the inclusion of three other countries in this candidacy: Portugal, Cyprus and Croatia. Haut de page. Suivez-nous Flux RSS. In All OpenEdition. On Anthropology of food. Home Catalogue of journals OpenEdition Search. All OpenEdition. OpenEdition Freemium. OpenEdition Search Newsletter.

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