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From the left, Senate members Laurence Rossignol, Alexandra Borchio-Fontimp, Annick Billon, co-author and president of the Senate's delegation, and Laurence Cohen present a report denouncing sexual abuse in the porn industry at the French Senate, Wednesday, Sept. 28, 2022 in Paris. Sexual and physical abuse in France's porn industry is "systemic" and lawmakers should better regulate the production of videos and protect children who are "heavily exposed" to the content, according to the French Senate report. (AP Photo/Oleg Cetinic)
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A French Senate delegation says sexual and physical abuse in France’s porn industry is “systemic” and lawmakers should better regulate the production of violent videos
PARIS -- Sexual and physical abuse in France 's porn industry is “systemic” and lawmakers should better regulate the production of videos and protect children who are “heavily exposed” to the content, according to a French Senate report released Wednesday.
The report, titled “Hell Behind the Scenes,” was the first prepared for the French parliament to focus on the porn industry, which the authors described as “predatory.”
A former porn performer who now works as a filmmaker welcomed the long-overdue look at the industry, though she said it doesn't do enough to hold platforms that distribute violent porn accountable.
During six months of research, the Senate’s delegation for women’s rights and gender equality heard from over 50 people, including some involved in the industry, women’s rights activists and victims.
“Both the actual volume of pornographic contents accessible to all and their very nature have contributed to make violent sexual acts against women banal,” the report's authors wrote.
“Sexual, physical and verbal abuses are widespread in porn, making them systemic. They are not simulated but very real for the women who are being filmed,” they added.
In the past two decades, pornography has massively developed as global video platforms multiplied and social media helped share content.
A police investigation into alleged rape, human trafficking and pimping in France’s porn industry has called attention to abuse in the business. Dozens of alleged victims have come forward in two separate cases linked to a major video platform and France's leading amateur porn site.
The investigation revealed that the consent of women was not being asked or respected in many occasions.
The former porn actress, known by her performing name, Nikita Bellucci, was among those who spoke to the senators because “for once, people working in the porn industry were given a voice,” she told The Associated Press. Bellucci would not disclose her full identity to protect her children's privacy.
Bellucci — who has worked in the porn industry for more than a decade in France, Eastern Europe and the U.S. — said she was proud of her job yet stood in the front line to denounce how women are targeted by abuse in the industry.
She recalled with much emotion in her voice how, in the early stage of her career, her “consent (was) abolished” while performing a scene. It took her ten years to realize what happened because she believed the wrong idea that “a porn actress can’t be abused because she chose to do this work."
The Senate report aims to alert the government and the broader public to the huge scale of the problem, its authors said. They noted the “massive, ordinary and toxic” viewing of porn by children, despite French law requiring viewers to be at least 18 years old.
The report found that 90% of pornographic scenes include violence and that two thirds of children aged 14 and less have seen pornographic content — voluntarily or not.
“We must stop having a dated, distorted, watered-down view of porn. Porn today includes violent, degrading, humiliating content,” Sen. Annick Billon, co-author and president of the Senate’s delegation, said.
"Scenes in which a man, most often several men, up to 50, inflict physical and sexual abuse on women have become standard,” she added.
Billon and the other delegation members issued 23 recommendations for enforcing current laws and introducing new regulations.
They include making it a criminal offense to incite the committing of a rape in the context of the porn industry, issuing “dissuasive” fines to make it more difficult for minors to access porn and requiring age-verification mechanisms.
Sen. Laurence Rossignol, report co-author and a former minister in charge of women’s rights, said the two major cases being investigated by police highlighted some of the industry’s methods, including “an initial rape” to “break” women, she said. “That’s the same method as in prostitution rings.”
To withdraw videos from the internet, producers require women to pay 3,000 to 5,000 euros ($2,900-4,800) — ten times the fee they were paid for shooting them, the report said.
Rossignol said policies to fight abuse in the porn industry must come as an additional step in the wake of the #MeToo movement that made a political issue of sexual abuse.
“What is shocking to us is that when it’s about fighting terrorism online, our legal arsenal is useful and efficient. When it’s about violence against women, it’s not efficient and not applied," Rossignol said.
For Bellucci, the report came a bit too late — yet the move is positive. She praised the recommendation to reinforce sex education of teenagers, especially at school. “We now live in a society that's hyper-sexualized by the internet and social media. It is very important to address these topics,” said the 32-year-old mother of two.
“What we’re asking for, above all, is a legal framework. And being actually protected,” Bellucci said. As a porn producer and director, she explained how she takes care of the actors, discussing what practices will be performed and requesting their consent at every stage.
Other countries have tried to regulate online porn but face challenges. Efforts in Britain to tighten age verification on porn sites have run up against privacy concerns.
In the U.S., legislation seeking to remove tech platforms’ traditional immunity for violations of laws related to online child sexual-abuse material was approved earlier this year by a key Senate committee. It has faced substantial pushback, however, including from some liberal Democratic lawmakers.
A new law enacted this month in California targets “cyber flashing,” in which victims receive unsolicited sexually graphic material, often from strangers. People who receive the material by text, email, app or other electronic means will have the legal right to sue the sender.
Marcy Gordon in Washington and Kelvin Chan in London contributed.
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The works of Enlightenment philosophes were not the only publications to arouse revolutionary sentiment in France. In the 1780s, the streets of Paris were also awash with libelles , a seedier form of literature sometimes referred to as political pornography. Most libelles launched personal and often lurid attacks on prominent royals and aristocrats, with Marie Antoinette the most frequent target for their venom.
Usually printed as short stories, plays or pamphlets, libelles contained vulgar and defamatory stories about public figures. There was seldom any truth to these stories but that did not discourage their publishers. Libelles could target anyone of note but most honed in on royals, aristocrats and political figures.
As mentioned, the most common target for street libelles was Marie Antoinette. The French queen was subject to a torrent of vile and slanderous pornography, most of which accused her of outrageous and disgusting behaviour.
By 1789, the stream of anti-Antoinette libelles had turned into a flood. According to Robert Darnton, a historian and researcher of the libelles , the “avalanche of defamation” levelled at Antoinette between 1789 to her execution in 1793 has “no parallel in the history of vilification”.
The use of crude humour and pornographic satire for political purposes dates back to ancient times. Leaders and powerful figures have often been subjected to ridicule based on their appearance, personal habits and sexual proclivities, whether real or imagined.
Women have not been exempt from this and in some cases, they have suffered worse than men. Russia’s Empress Catherine the Great (1729-1796), for example, was frequently rumoured to have an insatiable carnal appetite, bordering on nymphomania and debauchery. This campaign continued after Catherine’s death which, according to popular rumour, was caused by an act of sexual congress with a horse.
French libelles circulated misogynistic fantasies that were no less outrageous. In the six months preceding the revolution, most political pornography honed in on Marie Antoinette. The queen was an easy target for pornographers and satirists, being female, foreign, slow to deliver a royal heir and famously strong-willed.
Attacking Antoinette’s alleged political influence over Louis XIV was also a means of attacking the leadership or weaknesses of the king, without doing so directly.
Libelles came in a range of literary forms. They could be fliers or broadsheets, pamphlets, dramatic scripts, essays or collections of cartoons. The only common trait was that their content was slanderous and offensive.
The more serious libelles took the form of essays, which often presented as serious and legitimate journalism. These publications would promise to provide the ‘true story’ behind the crown, the royal family, notable aristocratic families or the goings-on at Versailles. They often cited a newly acquired cache of letters or ‘court insiders’ (never named, of course) as the source of their information.
In reality, many libelles simply repeated gossip of the day, embellished with a considerable amount of creative licence and flair. It is not surprising that this kind of gossip flourished. Unlike today, the French public was told little about the royal family, life at court or indeed the workings of government. There were few royal or government reports and no press at Versailles. This dearth of information was filled by the rumour mongers and the gutter press.
Inside France, state censorship and the use of lettres de cachet made publishing defamatory material a dangerous activity. The noted revolutionary Honore Mirabeau spent almost a year behind bars for writing a lukewarm satire about a powerful nobleman.
Because of these dangers, the majority of libelles were published outside France and smuggled into the country. Several French libellistes were based in London, where publishing laws were more liberal and publishers could operate beyond the reach of the French government.
Most London libellistes rented rooms and printing presses on Grub Street, a notorious haunt for struggling writers, gutter journalists and smut pedlars. Some referred to these expat publishers as Rousseaus du ruisseau (‘ Rousseaus of the gutter’).
Most libellistes were more interested in making money than inciting revolution. Many libelles generated more income from blackmail than sales. The ‘victim’ of a new libelle was often approached for a cash payment – if he wanted to prevent copies being printed and distributed. Many found it easier to pay the ransom than deal with a firestorm of gossip.
One of the most notorious French libellistes – and certainly one of the most skilled – was Charles de Morande (1741-1805). Morande’s Gazetier Cuirassé (‘Battleship Gazette’, published 1771) was a racy account of the court and government of Louis XV. It took particular aim at the king, his mistress Madame du Barry, the king’s chancellor René de Maupeou and his minister of state, the Duke of Vrillière.
Like several of Morande’s other libelles , it contained pornographic gossip accompanied by political criticism, amateur philosophy, accusations of incompetence and stories of alleged corruption.
Morande broke new ground by attacking women as vociferously as men, perhaps more so. The wife of one French aristocrat, he alleged, frequently had sex with the butler below stairs. A group of noble ladies caught syphilis from their toy boys, Morande claimed, and the disease had caused their teeth and eyebrows to fall out.
Only a small number of these libelles were actively distributed in French cities – but those that did were wildly popular. The ordinary sans culotte had trouble digesting Diderot or making sense of Rousseau – but when political criticism and philosophy were kept simple and accompanied with smut, he found it much more acceptable.
The volume and pornographic intensity of the libelles increased after the outbreak of revolution in 1789. Much more than before, this material honed in on the king and queen. Darnton estimates that before 1789, only about 10 percent of pornographic libelles targeted Marie Antoinette. From early 1789, however, the vast majority of these publications took aim at the queen.
Antoinette had always been a figure of ridicule. The gutter press had long before dubbed her l’Autrichienne (literally ‘the Austrian woman’ but doubly interpreted as ‘the Austrian bitch’, chienne being the French word for a female dog). The queen was depicted as having an insatiable sexual appetite. She needed constant satisfaction, it was claimed, but was unable to obtain this from her husband, who was either disinterested, impotent or inadequately endowed.
According to libelles , the nymphomaniacal but frustrated Antoinette sought sexual favours from her brother-in-law, from various court nobles, from servants, even from her own children. Stories had her plotting behind the king’s back and taking lovers, sometimes several times a day. Some visual material showed her surrounded by gigantic penises or engaged in acts of tribadism (lesbianism).
One of the earliest literary attacks on the queen was Essais historiques sur la vie de Marie Antoinette (‘Essays on the private life of Marie Antoinette’).
First published in 1781, this libelle reappeared in several forms over the next decade. It accused Antoinette of a litany of treacherous and immoral acts, including adultery, dalliances with the king’s own brother, lesbianism, masturbation, wasteful spending for its own sake and political intriguing against the king and the French people. In some 1789 editions, Antoinette was even accused of poisoning the young Dauphin who had died of tuberculosis in June that year.
The events of 1789 opened the floodgates for an even greater torrent of hateful and poisonous literature. Le Godmiché Royal (‘The Royal Dildo’) portrays Antoinette as a sexually frustrated user of sex toys. L’Autrichienne en Goguettes ou l’Orgie Royale (‘The Austrian bitch and her Friends in the Royal Orgy’) suggests Antoinette had a string of lovers, including the Duchess of Polignac and the Count of Artois, who was also the true father of her children.
The royal government moved to suppress or stamp out these libelles , of course, but their efforts were in vain. In 1783 officials destroyed 534 copies of Essais historiques , however as many as 30,000 copies are believed to have circulated in France during the 1780s.
To outsiders, this lurid and tawdry political pornography can appear a sideshow to more significant revolutionary ideas. The libelles did not incite revolution themselves; they offered no cogent political criticism of the old order, nor did they outline or advocate changes for the future. What the libelles did was both reflect and reinforce declining respect for the monarchy. It exacerbated this decline by holding the king and queen up for public ridicule. 
Moreover, the booming spread of libelles in 1789 was evidence of Louis XVI ‘s incompetence. A king who could not find a way to crush the gutter press – particularly when it smeared his wife – was not competent to be king.
A historian’s view:
“Marie Antoinette occupies a curious place in this literature; she was not only lampooned and demeaned in a ferocious pornographic outpouring, but she was also tried and executed… [While] the king’s trial remained entirely restricted to a consideration of his political crimes… the trial of the queen, especially in its refractions of the pornographic literature, offers a unique and fascinating perspective on the presumptions of the revolutionary political imagination. It makes manifest… the underlying interconnections between pornography and politics.”
Gary Kates
1. Libelles were crude, slanderous and usually baseless forms of literature that denigrated and attacked the behaviour of public figures.
2. Many libelles were pornographic in their tone and content. Men and women alike were often targeted and condemned for their sexual behaviour and alleged promiscuity.
3. Most libelles against French figures were produced abroad, chiefly in London’s Grub Street. They were then smuggled into France or used to extract ransoms from their targets.
4. From the spring of 1789, Marie Antoinette became a regular target for libelles , which accused her of sexual debauchery, overspending and acts of treachery against the king.
5. While libelles did not advocate revolution or contain much political criticism of the old regime, they undoubtedly eroded public respect and affection for the monarchy.

Citation information
Title: “ Libelles and political pornography”
Authors: Jennifer Llewellyn , Steve Thompson
Publisher: Alpha History
URL: https://alphahistory.com/frenchrevolution/libelles/
Date published: October 6, 2020
Date accessed: August 31, 2022
Copyright: The content on this page may not be republished without our express permission. For more information on usage, please refer to our Terms of Use .
This French Revolution site contains articles, sources and perspectives on events in France, 1781-1795. This site is created and maintained by Alpha History. It contains 232,935 words in 357 pages and was last updated on March 6th, 2022. For more info, visit our FAQ page or Terms of Use .

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