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T he discovery of almost half a tonne of cocaine floating in waters off the Algerian port city of Oran late last month has underscored the growing importance of north Africa as a vital transit point for drug smugglers seeking access to lucrative European and Middle Eastern markets. It was the second massive cocaine shipment discovered in Algeria. In May , officials seized more than kg 1,lb of the drug on a cargo ship carrying frozen meat from Brazil, seeking to enter Oran after docking in Spain. That seizure led to a national scandal and mass arrests across Algeria. Studies of wastewater from a number of European cities during the pandemic showed that consumption of cocaine and MDMA also called ecstasy had returned to normal levels after an initial dip, as networks and supply routes recovered after early interruptions. Historically, cocaine has tracked a haphazard route from the coca plantations of South America to Europe. Until recently, shipments would be divided roughly between those travelling overland from west and central Africa into Europe, and those going by sea. However, since Islamist violence has ripped through much of Mali and Chad, overland routes have become precarious. Their marine alternatives provide more reliable access to Europe and onwards to the Middle East, which is where Algeria, Morocco, and — recently — Libya come in. According to Farrah, despite the international nature of the trade, the locus of power remains very much with the producers of South America. Either way, in Algeria, the fallout was dramatic. Chikhi, his brothers and a circle of business associates were all arrested. The tentacles of the network had spread far, with prosecutors, mayors and security officials being implicated. While cannabis-smuggling networks across north Africa and Europe are hardly new, cocaine has become increasingly dominant in trafficked narcotics in Morocco since the mids. However, Algeria and other countries now appear to be in the ascendancy. He highlights the cocaine seizures that have occurred within Libya, as well as the confiscated cargos destined for Libya. The UK — the cocaine capital of Europe — consumes tonnes of the drug every year, an increase of more than per cent in less than a decade. As with north Africa, it is mainly transported to the UK by sea. Crippled by the pandemic, war, and — in the case of Morocco and Algeria — bitter internal rivalries, the chance that north Africa will establish a unified response to this latest threat is slim. Moreover, the demand for the drug remains insatiable — in spite of coronavirus, travel restrictions and Brexit — and looks unlikely to diminish in the near future. Join thought-provoking conversations, follow other Independent readers and see their replies. Please refresh the page or navigate to another page on the site to be automatically logged in Please refresh your browser to be logged in. More about Algerian Cocaine Libya chaos. Join our commenting forum Join thought-provoking conversations, follow other Independent readers and see their replies Comments. Thank you for registering Please refresh the page or navigate to another page on the site to be automatically logged in Please refresh your browser to be logged in.
The case of the seizure in the port of Oran of kilos of cocaine hidden in a container of frozen meat from Brazil aboard a Liberian-flagged ship has.
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Africa is no stranger to cocaine trafficking. For about two decades, the continent has been used by drug-trafficking organizations seeking to transport their product securely from South America to the lucrative European consumer markets. West Africa and the Sahel have borne the brunt of the cocaine trade, which has spurred a rise in local addiction , corrupted institutions and hobbled governance. Cocaine trafficking continues, but the routes used by traffickers are changing. The three largest cocaine seizures recorded in the region this century occurred between and , including two in Morocco. They found kilograms of cocaine buried in a container of frozen meat. The Oran cocaine shipment can be traced to the Brazilian port of Santos, where, in April, a container with the hidden drugs was loaded aboard the MSC Amalfi. It was one of 15 containers of frozen meat. The shipment seemed routine, as Chikhi owned at least two meat import companies and had contracted with a Brazilian company over the last seven years for halal meat. The containers were offloaded in Valencia, Spain, on 23 May, where they were reportedly searched by Spanish police and customs officials. The results of this search are unknown, but Spanish authorities allowed the containers to be loaded onto a second vessel, the Vega Mercury , which then departed for Algeria. But it did not end there — a number of others were implicated, including prosecutors, the son of a former Algerian prime minister, and a driver for the national police chief , General Abdelghani Hamel, who was dismissed from duty by the president. The Chikhi affair has already led to the removal of some powerful figures, most notably Hamel, an ally of and potential successor to President Abdelaziz Bouteflika, and Major General Habib Chentouf, an army officer seen as a potential successor to the current army chief of staff. The size of the shipment suggests that the trafficking route connecting South America to Europe via Algeria is already well established. There is a risk that this route, as well as those through Morocco and other North African countries, will become more popular for traffickers in the coming years. This is due to various factors. Numerous logistics links — planes, ferries and commercial ships — connect the southern rim of the Mediterranean to the southern edge of Europe, with large numbers of people and volumes of goods moving between the two on a daily basis. These licit transport links offer significant benefits to drug traffickers, who, as in the Chikhi affair, can hide drug shipments among other commodities. Traffickers are also being driven to North Africa because of the growing risks they face along the established trafficking routes through the Sahel and the Sahara. In recent years, the number of armed groups, including terrorists, insurgents and militias, operating in areas transected by these routes has steadily risen. International actors, including the French, Americans and the UN, have consequently deployed in the region, focusing surveillance there. Neither the lucrative Europe cocaine market nor conflict in the Sahel and Sahara is likely to change significantly in the near future. Hence, there is a distinct likelihood that cocaine trafficking through North Africa will continue, and probably increase, in the years to come. In other areas in which cocaine traffickers have operated, such as Central America and West Africa, the impact of the trade on local communities and states has been significant. This is also likely to be the case in North Africa, though the threats are unlikely to be violent in nature, or even highly visible. Instead, the main impact of cocaine is likely to be the corrupting effect it will have on regional governments. Work by Global Initiative experts has underscored the corrosive impact that trafficking of cocaine has had on governments in Guinea-Bissau , Mali and Niger , sparking institutional decay, contestation among powerful figures over the narco-dividends and, in some cases, the direct involvement of state officials in drug trafficking. While profound political and socio-economic differences exist between West African and North African states, that does not render the latter immune to the risk of significant narco-corruption. But it goes further — the Chikhi affair seems to have become a pretext for high-level competition within the authorities, used by those in power to move against or sideline potential competitors. If cocaine trafficking continues to be a feature in the North African region, it is likely that such institutional impacts of the trade will increase in severity and frequency. It is essential that North African governments also prepare themselves to deal with local rising cocaine or crack use. Currently, few Algerians or Moroccans use the drug. South American cocaine traffickers, however, often pay local assistants in cocaine — a portion of which often gets sold on into the domestic market. In a number of transit countries, this has spiked local consumption levels. Due to the potential risks associated with cocaine trafficking, it is important for North African states and the broader international community to maintain strategic alertness on the issue, and be ready to systematically address a range of potential threats associated with cocaine trafficking. Governments must not presume that the Maghreb is an exception to the risk of narco-corruption, government corrosion or cocaine addiction. The cost to the region could be very high. Instead, they should strategically plan to address the worst — and act accordingly. Author s Matt Herbert. Posted on 21 Sep Cocaine and corruption in North Africa: Looking ahead In other areas in which cocaine traffickers have operated, such as Central America and West Africa, the impact of the trade on local communities and states has been significant. Related analysis.
Algiers buy cocaine
Cocaine trafficking in the Maghreb has been high since , suggesting the use of new routes · Before 'Cocainegate', Algeria wasn't seen as a.
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It is imperative to emphasize that there are no recommended or legal sellers of cocaine in Algiers. Cocaine is an illegal substance under Algerian law, and any.
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