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Official websites use. Share sensitive information only on official, secure websites. Email: tfs. Researchers have thus argued that traditional notions of cannabis as a singular and coherent object, are being replaced by perspectives that highlight the multiple ontological character of cannabis. We draw on existing research, government reports, policy papers and media accounts of policy and policing developments. We demonstrate how Danish cannabis policy is composed of different co-existing framings of cannabis use; as respectively a social problem, a problem of deviance, an organised crime problem, a health- and risk problem and as a medical problem. While the international trend seems to be that law-and-order approaches are increasingly being replaced by more liberal approaches, Denmark, on an overall level, seems to be moving in the opposite direction: Away from a lenient decriminalisation policy and towards more repressive approaches. Since the early s, production, distribution, and purchase of cannabis has been prohibited in most parts of the world. Against this background, Duff has argued that traditional understandings of cannabis as a singular object with a universal essence, are gradually being replaced by perspectives that highlight the multiple ontological character of cannabis. Cannabis can, for instance, mean different things in different contexts e. At the same time, there is today also growing recognition that drug policy is not a unitary and coherent phenomenon. Rather, different drug policy areas and measures are active in the creation of drug problems as particular types of problems Houborg, Bjerge et al. Inspired by this line of thinking, this article explores recent developments in Danish cannabis policy, by providing insights into the multiple and co-existing discursive policy frames through which the issue of cannabis use is today problematised and governed in Denmark. Theoretically, we draw on framing analysis, holding that policy positions rest on frames consisting of underlying structures of belief and perceptions. We also show how shifting framings of the cannabis use problem has been coupled by changes in understandings of cannabis users. Importantly, while the international trend seems to be that law-and-order framings are increasingly being subordinated to more social- and health-based framings of cannabis use, resulting in shifts from prohibition to more liberal cannabis policies, we show how Denmark, on an overall level, seems to be moving in the opposite direction: away from a lenient decriminalisation policy and towards more repressive approaches. The analysis also draws on key government reports, policy papers and media accounts of policy and policing developments. These were retrieved from open public and ministerial homepages. Media searches have been made in the database Infomedia that contains all national and local newspapers. Searches have been made especially for medical cannabis policy, drug policy, law enforcement, youth and cannabis, organised crime, cannabis and health, and cannabis and prevention from — Media accounts and parliamentary debates have been subjected to content and thematic analyses cf. This included an initial phase of familiarising ourselves with the data, followed by a process of inductively identifying key patterns and themes, and how these combined to form overarching themes. The final stages of the analysis involved a process of moving back and forward between the research literature and the data set government reports, policy papers, media accounts and parliamentary debates , to produce an outline of the key, and sometimes competing, discursive framings underpinning Danish cannabis policy debates and governmental initiatives. While these framings co-exist, they did not emerge at the same time. The analysis is both organised in relation to how cannabis is framed as a problem, but also chronologically in relation to when a framing emerged. Danish drug policy, and cannabis policy in particular, has over the last four decades changed from a liberal to a more repressive policy Frank, During this period, cannabis use was largely framed as a social problem associated with bohemian lifestyles, an alternative youth and hippie culture that rebelled against established institutions, and with socially disadvantaged living conditions for certain segments of the population Houborg et al. This period became the foundation of a drug policy that took drug use to be on par with other social problems. Therefore, this problem could best be addressed through social policies and social expertise, including drug prevention and treatment Houborg, The framing of cannabis and other drug use as a social problem also came to influence Danish criminal justice policy on drugs. In , the Danish government proposed to increase the legal sentencing for professional drug trafficking and drug dealing. In , the parliament reached a compromise. Such cases should be settled with an administrative or court caution Frank, For other drugs than cannabis, this involved first-time offences, while for cannabis it also involved repeat offences. The instruction thus created a de facto decriminalisation of possession of all illicit drugs for personal use. While the former were framed as criminals to be met with law enforcement, the latter were framed as social clients, who were best managed and re-integrated into society through welfare means such as treatment, education, social services and prevention Houborg et al. Hence, until the end of the s, Danish drug policy was dominated by an understanding of cannabis use as relatively harmless and law enforcement remained lenient on cannabis users cf. Storgaard, During the late s and early s, Danish drug policy debates were characterised by intensive discussions about youth culture and drugs Houborg, Contributing to the impression that use of cannabis and other drugs was becoming more normalised in Denmark, was the publication of a report by the Danish Health Authority , which concluded that young Danes had developed a more liberal attitude towards illegal drugs. The new programme was in part a policy response to the increases in youth drug use. However, as outlined by Houborg et al. The Fight against Drugs initiated a change in Danish drug control policy Frank, ; Houborg et al. In , the fines for possession were increased. Aside from imposing a re-criminalisation of possession of cannabis and other drugs, the new policy also resulted in a remarkable quantitative increase in police enforcement intensity of the LES. The discursive framing of cannabis users as complicit in organised crime is part of longer process. In , the maximum penalty was raised to ten years Storgaard, Later on, in , the Copenhagen Police released a report describing how outlaw bikers were involved in the cannabis market at the Freetown Christiania, where the largest open cannabis market in Denmark was based Copenhagen Police, The report claimed that the selling of cannabis was becoming more professionally organised, and that drug trading was the key economic basis of outlaw bikers. While the former increased the penalty for small-scale drug selling, the latter enabled police to use administrative powers to close down premises where cannabis or other drugs were suspected of being sold, and to ban specific individuals from frequenting these premises. The Fight against Drugs policy also highlighted criminalisation and intensified policing as the best ways to combat cannabis-related organised crime, and argued that close links existed between the cannabis trade at Christiania and organised crime Government, a. Aside from outlining how the police were to use supply reduction tactics, involving arrests of sellers and backers, the policy paper also outlined that police should start making more active use of demand reduction tactics as a means of combating the organised cannabis trade at Christiania. The Minister thus invoked a notion of the cannabis user as a rational actor who could be deterred into conformity. During the following years, this tactic spread to the rest of the country where it led to intensified police targeting of recreational cannabis and other drug users. As an indication of this, research shows how police districts outside of Copenhagen came to drive the overall increase in the enforcement intensity of the Law on Euphoria-Inducing Substances from to Moeller, During and , gang-related violence in Copenhagen reached a peak, and the media regularly reported about how gang conflicts impacted on the lives of ordinary citizens. As gang conflicts were believed to be rooted in struggles over access to the lucrative cannabis market, in then-incumbent Lord Mayor of Copenhagen Frank Jensen from the Social Democratic Party da: Socialdemokratiet , suggested the introduction of a three-year trial period where all cannabis users above 18 years of age should be able to purchase cannabis fully legally from state-run outlets in Copenhagen Politiken , The then Liberal-Conservative government immediately rejected the proposal. Representatives from the municipality in Copenhagen have played a key role in these debates. In recent years, this line of argument has also been picked up by national politicians. In , the Danish Social-Liberal Party da: Radikale Venstre thus stated the following in their proposal for a trial legalisation of cannabis:. The illegal cannabis sale at Christiania and elsewhere is controlled by organised criminals and gangs. Therefore, it is necessary to rethink and explore the possibilities for a responsible and controlled way of legalising cannabis, so that cannabis sale does not continue to remain a lucrative business for organised criminals. Rather, their argument for cannabis legalisation seems to reinforce this discourse. That said, political positions towards cannabis regulation are not static. The abovementioned Danish Social-Liberal Party is an example of that. Aside from arguing that cannabis legalisation would reduce cannabis-related crime and violence, reformers have also drawn on more economic arguments to promote the reform agenda. This includes arguments that the policing of cannabis is very costly, and that police resources could be better spent elsewhere, as well as suggestions that a legal regulation of cannabis provision would generate enormous tax-revenue for the state, instead of money flowing into the hands of criminals Information , Lastly, reformers have argued that by implementing a state-controlled system for legalised cannabis, health professionals will be better able to identify and treat individuals with problematic use of cannabis. In their rejection of reform proposals, opponents have drawn on a variety of arguments. Opponents have, for instance, argued that legalisation was likely to be counter-productive by incentivising criminals to shift to more serious income-generating types of crimes Parliament, Instead, she argued that prohibition was the best way to prevent young people from starting to use cannabis Parliament, a. We thus see a two-fold framing of cannabis when legalisation is debated in Denmark. Due to increased drug use prevalence rates and a growth in drug-related deaths, Danish drug treatment saw a substantial addition of new resources in the s and treatment became an area of intense political priority Houborg et al. As an indication of this, an amendment to the Danish social legislation in obliged social authorities to initiate treatment within 14 days after a person has requested treatment. The result was that from to the number of persons in drug treatment almost tripled Houborg, In , 2, were enrolled in a treatment programme for cannabis misuse Danish Health Authority, , and recent reports show that, especially young people, who have cannabis as their primary substance of choice, constitute a growing proportion of the total treatment population in Denmark Danish Health Authority, This was also evident in The Fight against Drugs policy programme Government, a. While this very influential policy programme, as mentioned above, gave voice to a new control policy which constituted cannabis as an illegal drug i. The policy paper thus also outlined a health-based framing depicting cannabis as a harmful and unhealthy substance. While the Danish Health Authority has warned that threats of expulsion can lead cannabis-using pupils to stay away from classes, and that permanent expulsion from a particular education setting can result in escalated cannabis use, tough-on-drugs approaches are popular among secondary school leaders as these can be viewed as a means of protecting the non-drug using majority. Focusing on treatment and prevention areas within Danish cannabis policy, we thus see a framing of cannabis use as a health and risk problem. The most recent development in Danish cannabis policy has been the emergence of a framing of cannabis and cannabis use as a medicine and a medical practice. Thus, as described by Kvamme et al. While cannabis has been framed as a medicine for decades internationally Fischer et al. Prior to the trial, the synthetic cannabis product, Sativex, had been approved by the Danish Medicines Agency in , and could legally be prescribed to sclerosis patients. The medical cannabis pilot programme allowed for a broader group of patients to obtain medicinal cannabis legally, and for a broader variety of products. Public and media attention has in large part been spurred by stakeholder organisations, but also by citizen accounts describing how ill persons used cannabis to relieve pains, and how they were frustrated that they had to buy cannabis products illegally Jyllands-Posten , In , the left-wing party Red-Green Alliance da: Enhedslisten made a proposal for the decriminalisation of medicinal cannabis. Nevertheless, there was a renewed interest in international experiences with medicinal cannabis regulation and a new proposal was made in , although this was also rejected. Outside of parliamentary debates, legalisation of medical cannabis was promoted by key public figures. From onwards, several parties began preparing the groundwork for a pilot programme where selected patient groups would be able to receive medical cannabis prescribed by a doctor Parliament, b. The trial period enabled the use of a broader range of products, which no longer have to be approved by the Danish Medicines Agency. The patient group eligible for medical cannabis included patients over the age of 18 years with sclerosis, spinal cord injuries, patients undergoing chemotherapy, and people with neuropathic pain. An additional requirement was that all existing treatment options with approved medicinal products should be exhausted before patients could receive prescriptions for medicinal cannabis. While the trial has been contested within medical communities, and particularly by doctors, by late , some 4, patients had redeemed prescriptions for medicinal cannabis products Danish Health Data Authority, In the second half of , two organisations, the Medicinal Cannabis Industry and the trade organisation Medicinal Cannabis Manufacturers merged and called for an evaluation of the trial that would serve to clarify whether it could become permanent Fyens Stiftstidende , They also lobbied for increased political support in the hope that this would enable Danish medicinal cannabis producers to become competitive in the international market Finans , The pilot programme constitutes an exception to the overall tendency towards a zero-tolerance policy approach to cannabis in Denmark. Framing cannabis use as legal for medical purposes involves a redefinition of both the product and of the users. Based on research from Australia, Lancaster et al. In this way, users of medical cannabis are framed as patients who are to be protected from the risks associated with the use and purchase of recreational cannabis. The Danish Medicines Agency, for instance, warns against pleasure and experiences of intoxication in their brief on medical cannabis:. As a rule, the Danish Medicines Agency does not think that it is a desirable effect of a medical product that the patient achieves intoxication. We normally perceive that to be an unintended side effect. Danish Medicines Agency, , p. However, as shown by Kvamme et al. Drug policy is a complex field of research. A common approach often used to understand drug policy complexities is to distinguish between different policy areas that together make up a drug policy Houborg, Bjerge, et al. Distinctions are, for instance, made between: drug control policy, treatment policy, prevention policy and harm reduction policy Ritter et al. However, as noted by Ritter et al. Inspired by this line of thinking, the present article has outlined how Danish cannabis policy is composed by multiple co-existing policy areas, including social policy, control policy, treatment and prevention policy, and health policy. We have analysed how each of these policy areas is characterised by specific, yet different, discursive framings of cannabis use as a relevant policy problem, and how the different framings give rise to different policy actions and solutions. In the analysis, we described how Danish cannabis policy from the s to the late s was dominated by an understanding of cannabis as a relatively harmless substance, and by a discursive framing of cannabis use as primarily a social problem. While the framing of cannabis as a social problem remains, in recent decades it has largely been overtaken by more control-oriented discourses that do not distinguish between users and dealers, and that depict cannabis users as either rational but flawed consumers, or as customers in an illicit market. Particularly the latter framing has been coupled by condemning discourses that attribute blame and responsibility for gang violence to cannabis and other drug users, as these are depicted as the economic market basis for organised crime. While the international trend seems to be that prohibitionist approaches in cannabis control policy are increasingly being replaced by more lenient approaches, including decriminalisation and legalisation of cannabis, in relation to control policy, Denmark is moving in the opposite direction. However, as noted above, cannabis policies are complex and sometimes characterised by oppositional trends. As an illustration of this, we outlined how Danish cannabis policy is also shaped by discursive framings of cannabis use as a health and risk problem, and most recently as a medical problem. While these latter framings can be seen as alternatives to the dominant control policy framings, our analysis indicates that the prevention, treatment, and medical cannabis policy areas are today also heavily influenced by lines of thinking and approaches originating in the control policy area. In the analysis, for instance, we described how some domains of the preventive policy area are increasingly influenced by discursive depictions of young cannabis users as risks- to -others, and by preventive approaches based on deterrence and punishment, such as exclusion from educational institutions. How Danish cannabis policy will develop in the future is difficult to predict. Importantly, however, while we see changes in some countries towards decriminalisation or legalisation, most countries still have a rather repressive control policy towards cannabis, and other countries aside from Denmark go against liberalisation trends. The Netherlands, for example, have traditionally had the most lenient cannabis policy in Europe, but in recent decades they have slowly tightened their cannabis policy. How national cannabis policies develop, and hence differ, does not only go one way from repressive to lenient, but must be understood in relation to the point of departure of how lenient or repressive the control policy has been in the past. While Danish cannabis control policy in recent decades has moved in a more repressive direction, this does not mean that Denmark has taken a lead position in terms of cannabis control intensity. Measured by the number of cannabis seizures relative to the population size, Sweden and Norway still display the highest enforcement intensity in the region. The shift towards a more control-oriented approach in Denmark is, however, indicative of a convergence in control intensity between the Nordic countries, with Denmark becoming more similar to Sweden and Norway Moeller, With the legalisation and decriminalisation tendencies elsewhere, including Norway in a Nordic context, and with the easy access to information about cannabis online, it might in the future be difficult for Danish authorities to uphold the current dominant risk, harm and organised crime perspective in Danish cannabis policy as the dominant legitimate perspective. Several opinion polls have for instance shown that a small majority of the Danish population is now in favour of a more lenient cannabis policy Berlingske Tidende , ; Dr. There thus seems to be a divide between national politicians and their constituents. In this perspective, discussions not only about alternative regulations of cannabis, but also about how to differentiate between problematic and unproblematic use of cannabis e. These discussions could favourably be conducted in a harm reduction policy framing and would add to the present cannabis policy areas in Denmark. As a library, NLM provides access to scientific literature. Nordisk Alkohol Nark. Find articles by Maj Nygaard-Christensen. Find articles by Vibeke Asmussen Frank. Similar articles. Add to Collections. Create a new collection. Add to an existing collection. Choose a collection Unable to load your collection due to an error Please try again. Add Cancel.

Danish cannabis policy revisited: Multiple framings of cannabis use in policy discourse

Aarhus buying Cannabis

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Aarhus buying Cannabis