泽连斯基是如何领导乌克兰政坛摒弃内斗、共同抗俄的？ - 纽约时报双语版

KYIV, Ukraine — Russian tanks were rolling over the border and Kyiv, the Ukrainian capital, was in the grips of fear and panic. Street fighting broke out and a Russian armored column, barreling into the city, advanced to within two miles of the office of President Volodymyr Zelensky.

乌克兰基辅——当俄军坦克越过边境时，乌克兰首都基辅陷入了恐慌。巷战爆发，一列俄军装甲车队迅速闯入市区，推进到距离泽连斯基总统办公室约三公里的地方。

In those tense first days of the war, almost everyone — Russian President Vladimir V. Putin, military analysts and many Western officials — expected the Ukrainian leadership to fracture. Instead, Mr. Zelensky decided to personally remain in the capital, taking selfies as he traversed Kyiv to reassure his people. And he ordered his senior aides, many Cabinet members and much of his government to also stay put, despite the risks.

在战争初期的紧张局势中，包括俄罗斯总统普京、军事分析人士、许多西方官员在内的几乎所有人都预计，乌克兰的领导层将土崩瓦解。结果，泽连斯基本人决定留在首都，在基辅街头自拍，安抚民众。尽管风险很高，但他命令高级助手、许多内阁成员和大部分政府成员都留下。

It was a crystallizing moment for Mr. Zelensky’s government, ensuring a wide array of agencies kept running efficiently and in sync. Leading politicians put aside the sharp-elbowed infighting that had defined Ukrainian politics for decades and instead created a largely united front that continues today.

对泽连斯基政府而言，这是一个见真章的时刻，确保了各个机构保持高效协调运转。这些政治领袖抛开了数十年来定义了乌克兰政坛的激烈内斗，建立了一条基本统一的战线，并维持至今。

No senior officials defected or fled, and the bureaucracy quickly went onto a war footing.

没有任何高级官员叛逃，整个官僚机构迅速进入战时状态。

“In the first days of the war, everybody was in shock, and everybody was thinking what to do — stay in Kyiv or evacuate,” said Serhiy Nikiforov, Mr. Zelensky’s spokesman. “The president’s decision was no one goes anywhere. We stay in Kyiv, and we fight. That cemented it.”

“战争刚开始的时候，所有人都陷入震惊，都在思考该怎么办——是留在基辅还是撤离，”泽连斯基的发言人谢尔希·尼基福罗夫说道。“总统的决定是，大家哪里都不要去。我们留在基辅，我们战斗。这就盖棺定论了。”

To much of the world, Mr. Zelensky is best known for appearing by video link with a daily message of courage and defiance, to rally his people and exhort allies to provide weapons, money and moral support. On Sunday he commanded global attention again in a meeting in Kyiv with two top American officials, Secretary of State Antony J. Blinken and Defense Secretary Lloyd J. Austin III, who pledged more military support and — in a move of symbolic importance — said the United States would seek to reopen its embassy in Kyiv.

对绝大多数人来说，泽连斯基最著名的行为就是每天在视频中现身，传达勇气与骄傲的态度，团结他的人民，并敦促盟友提供武器、资金和道义上的支援。周日，他又引来了全球关注，在基辅与两名美国高官——国务卿布林肯与国防部长劳埃德·J·奥斯汀三世——会晤，他们承诺提供更多军事援助，并称美国将寻求重新开放驻基辅的大使馆，此举象征意义重大。

But behind the scenes, Mr. Zelensky’s success so far is also rooted in the government’s ability to operate smoothly and take measures to help people cope, such as sweeping deregulation to keep the economy afloat, and to provide essential goods and services.

但在公众视线之外，泽连斯基迄今为止的成功也取决于其政府能够顺利运转，并采取措施帮助民众应对危机，包括全面放松管制，维持经济平稳，并提供最基本的产品和服务。

By loosening rules around transporting cargo, for instance, the government was able to address a dire risk of food shortages in Kyiv, the capital, in the early days of the war. And in March he dropped business taxes to 2 percent — and then only if the owner wanted to pay.

例如在战争初期放松货物运输管制，让政府得以解决首都基辅粮食短缺的重大风险。他在3月还将营业税降至2%，再之后变成了业主随意缴纳。

“Pay if you can but if you cannot there are no questions asked,” Mr. Zelensky said at the time.

“你们能付就付，不能付也没有问题，”泽连斯基当时说。

More contentiously, he combined six television stations that previously competed against one another into one outlet for news. The merger, he said, was necessary for national security, but it frustrated political opponents and free speech advocates.

争议更大的举措是他将此前互相竞争的六家电视台合并为一个媒体平台。他说这次合并对国家安全至关重要，但政治反对派与自由言论倡议人士均提出了异议。

He has also forged a truce with his primary domestic political opponent, former President Petro O. Poroshenko, with whom he had been feuding right up until the start of the war.

他还与国内的主要政敌、前总统彼得罗·O·波罗申科达成和解，直到战争爆发时，他们还在争吵不休。

A tremendous wartime effect of rallying around the flag undoubtedly eased Mr. Zelensky’s job, said Volodymyr Yermolenko, editor in chief of Ukraine World, a magazine covering politics. “The peculiar thing about Ukrainian politics is the agency comes from society, not the political leaders,’’ he said. “Zelensky is who he is due to the Ukrainian people, who are behind him, showing courage.”

时政类杂志《乌克兰世界》总编沃拉迪米尔·叶尔莫连科表示，在国旗下团结一致的巨大战争效应无疑减轻了泽连斯基的压力。“乌克兰政治的特殊之处在于，政治参与来自社会，而非政治领袖，”他说。“泽连斯基什么样，取决于乌克兰人民什么样，是这些人民站在他身后展现了勇气。”

He added that, “this is not to undermine his efforts” and credited Mr. Zelensky for adapting his populist, prewar politics into an effective leadership style in the crucible of conflict.

他补充说，“这不是在贬低他起到的作用。”他还赞扬泽连斯基在这场冲突的严峻考验中将自己战前的民粹主义政治主张转变为一种富有成效的领导风格。

These days Mr. Zelensky’s workplace on Bankova Street is a hushed, darkened space crowded with soldiers; there are firing positions protected by sandbags in the corridors and on stairway landings. “We were prepared to fight exactly in this building,” said Mr. Nikiforov.

这些天，泽连斯基在班科夫大街一个安静、昏暗的地方工作，里面挤满了士兵；走廊和楼梯平台上放置了沙袋用作射击点的屏障。尼基福罗夫说：“我们已经准备好在这栋楼里作战。”

A former comedic actor, the Ukrainian leader has surrounded himself with a group of loyalists from his days in television, relationships that prompted accusations of cronyism in the past but that have served him well during the conflict by keeping his leadership team on the same page. And Mr. Zelensky has structured his days in a way that works for him.

这位乌克兰领导人曾是一名喜剧演员，他身边围绕着一群在电视行业工作时的忠实拥护者，这种关系过去曾引发任人唯亲的指责，但在冲突期间，这种关系让他的领导团队保持了一致，对他大有裨益。泽连斯基按照适合自己的方式安排自己的日常。

Mr. Zelensky receives one-on-one phone briefings from Gen. Valeriy Zaluzhnyi, the commander of the armed forces, multiple times a day and often first thing in the morning, aides and advisers said.

助手和顾问说，泽连斯基每天会多次听取武装部队司令瓦列里·扎卢日内将军的一对一电话简报，而且这通常是早间的第一件事。

This is followed by a morning video conference with the prime minister, sometimes other members of the Cabinet, and military and intelligence agency leaders in a format that combines military and civilian decision making, according to Mr. Nikiforov, his spokesman.

他的发言人尼基福罗夫说，随后，泽连斯基在上午会与总理，有时是其他内阁成员以及军方和情报机构领导人举行视频会议，以一种军民结合的方式作出各种决策。

Tymofiy Mylovanov, a former minister of economy and now an economic adviser to the president’s office, likened Ukrainian politics to “loved ones fighting.”

前经济部长、现为总统办公室经济顾问的季莫菲·米洛瓦诺夫将乌克兰政治比作“亲人之间的斗嘴”。

“It’s a family fight,” he said. “But family comes first.”

“这是家庭内部的斗争，”他说。”但家庭是第一位的。”

The inner circle is made up largely of media, movie and comedy industry veterans with backgrounds similar to Mr. Zelensky’s.

他的核心圈子主要由媒体、电影和喜剧行业的资深人士组成，他们有着与泽连斯基相似的背景。

In the first days of the war Mr. Zelensky set three priorities for his government’s ministries, according to Mr. Mylovanov: weapons procurement, shipments of food and other goods, and maintaining supplies of gasoline and diesel. The ministries were told to rewrite regulations to ensure swift delivery on all three tracks.

尼基福罗夫说，在战争的最初几天，泽连斯基为政府各部门制定了三个优先事项：武器采购、食品和其他物品的运输，以及保证汽油和柴油的供应。各部门被告知要重新制定法规，以确保所有三个方面的快速到位。

That was perhaps most helpful in the frantic rush early on to get food to Kyiv, which was at risk of being besieged and starved.

在早期疯狂地将食物送往基辅的过程中，这可能是帮助最大的决策，当时基辅面临着围困和食物短缺的风险。

With the supply chain disrupted, the presidential office brokered an arrangement among grocery chains, trucking companies and volunteer drivers to establish a single trucking service supplying all food stores. Stores would post a request on a website, and whichever driver was available would fill the order either for free or for the cost of gasoline.

在供应链中断的情况下，总统办公室在杂货连锁店、货运公司和司机志愿者之间达成了一项安排，建立了向所有食品店供货的统一运输服务。店铺在网站上发布请求，任何有空的司机，以不收分文或者仅收取油费的方式，完成订单。

Perhaps the most controversial move Mr. Zelensky made was to combine the six television newsrooms into one channel with a single report. Omitted from the group was the main opposition television station, Channel 5, affiliated with Mr. Poroshenko.

也许泽连斯基做出的最有争议的举动，是将六个电视新闻编辑部整合为一个频道，进行统一报道。听命于波罗申科的主要反对派电视台第5频道被排除在外。

Mr. Zelensky positioned the move as necessary for national security. Opponents viewed it as a troubling instance of the government suppressing dissent.

泽连斯基认为此举对于国家安全来说是必要的。反对者则认为，这是政府镇压异见的一个令人不安的例子。

Mr. Mylovanov, the economic adviser to the president, said Ukraine’s pluralistic political culture would bounce back. Unity now is necessary, he said.

总统的经济顾问米洛瓦诺夫说，乌克兰多元化的政治文化会回来的。他表示，眼下要以团结为重。

“Don’t worry,” he said. “We will be back to fighting over a liberal versus protectionist economic policy, price controls, how to attract investments, and all the rest of it.”

“别担心，”他说。“我们以后会回到在自由主义与保护主义经济政策、价格控制、如何吸引投资等问题上的较量。”

Maria Varenikova自基辅对本文有报道贡献。

Andrew E. Kramer是时报莫斯科分社记者，他所在的团队曾因其对俄罗斯秘密权力投射的系列报道获得了2017年普利策国际报道奖。欢迎在Twitter上关注他：@AndrewKramerNYT。

翻译：Harry Wong、杜然

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