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This collection is a good marker for tracing how anthropology has been changing in the past decade, particularly after the impact of post-modernism on US academia. However, this collection represents only a slice of the anthropological field, at a particular time and place and it is in no way representative of the general direction the field has been moving in since the turn of the century. The contributors to the collection are from the same groups of anthropologists doing similar work and impacted by the post-modern turn in particular ways. Discussed here are only two of the essays in this collection, those written by Kim Fortun on the Bhopal disaster and Paul Rabinow on research among US lab scientists working on molecular biology.Both essays are a bit lengthy for what theyre each saying, meaning, the point is belabored by what at times comes across as tangential discussions about different topics, particularly in Rabinows case. His examples are never strung together in a cohesive manner to really reflect his overall discussion on American Moderns. In fact, his choice of title is never entirely clear to me. His discussion of Sarich Affair in Berkeley in the early 70s is interesting, but ends up feeling more like a juicy piece of departmental and discipline gossip than as demonstrative of a larger point. His examples of Sarichs use of biological anthropology to support homophobic, racist, and sexist points never really feels as much more than rumor and interpretation (or misinterpretation); he never really delivers unequivocal data on what the uproar over his lectures and comments was really about. Instead, he moves in a different direction altogether from that story without ever making a clear point. This might be his point, that there is no hard data to concretely make claims -- after all, he is a post-modernist himself and the way of doing research in a post-modern framework is to never make absolute claims, to pull together loosely related data, to make insinuations, etc. But this way of writing becomes tedious and feels unhelpful in the end.As for Fortuns article, Im not convinced by her title either. She calls her piece Locating Corporate Environmentalism: Synthetics, Implosions, and the Bhopal Disaster, but the title is more noise than actual analysis, it seems to me. She never provides clear ethnographic evidence of an event that is so ghastly that it should be brought to life to serve as an historical lesson to the whole world. Instead, her ethnographic approach is to highlight what she did when researching the subject. Her informants identities is not clear and it looks as though she spoke only to the high-power individuals in the Union Carbide company. She makes provocative claims, but never discusses them further. These are other typical ways in which post-modern analyses tend to work, which can also be frustrating. For instance, she says: The strategy of charter revocation embeds CCC within a fundamental ironoy of the Fourteenth Amendment to the US Constitution: formulated to protect emancipated slaves, its enactment has served to protect the corporation as a person in ways that often override the rights of individual human persons, particularly those in minority and low-income neighborhoods (236). How does that twist on the 14th Amendment work and why does it work out the way she claims? This seems like a valuable thing to unpack more but she moves on to the next section about Recursive Regimes which is much less interesting than the point just highlighted. Finally, her essay is an analysis of memory, and yet it is never clear whose memory it is she is focusing on. By focusing on different ways in which the disaster is remembered, she robs it of its violence, in a sense, since her discussion consists of a general abstraction rather than of the disaster itself and its long-lasting effects in a very real sense on the Indian people living near the disaster site.The experimental ways of doing ethnographic research promoted here (at least by Fortun and Rabinow) are not very compelling.
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