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Peter Burke provides a chronology of the French Annales School of History that revolutionized the field of history from 1929-1989. He organizes his discussion by setting the stage for historiography at the beginning of the 20th century, then proceeds to suggest how the Annales movement departed from it: first, second, and third generations. His final chapter considers their influence in a global perspective. Overall, it is a very tidy way to get a foundational and fundamental understanding of an extremely influential movement in twentieth century historiography. Although the “Annales School” of historiography has over eighty years of nuanced development that has taken the movement in several directions, this review will focus on chronicling the movement’s contributions to considering environmental factors in historiography. As Peter Burke has explained it in The French Historical Revolution: The Annales School, 1929-1989 (1990), Lucien Febvre and Marc Bloch founded the Annales journal in 1929 �“in order to promote a new kind of social history.” Among other things, the Annales School substituted “a problem-oriented analytical history for a traditional narrative of events,” embraced a “total history” of the human activities in a place rather than just political ones, and encouraged collaboration with other disciplines such as geography, sociology, psychology, economics, linguistics, and social anthropology. Although outsiders commonly refer to Annales as a “school,” Burke suggests that it be termed the Annales movement in order to better acknowledge the divergent directions individual members of the group took in their publications. One such direction of the Annales movement precipitated the innovative method of situating historical societies within their geographic contexts. Beginning with Lucien Febvre but institutionalized particularly by Fernand Braudel, geographical introductions to provincial monographs became a common practice in the Annales movement by the 1960s. In critical response to the German geographer Ratzel who “stressed the influence of the physical environment on human destiny,” Febvre stressed the greater historical influence of human liberty over geographical determinism. For Febvre “there were no necessities, only possibilities;” he argued that a river might have been considered a barrier or a route depending upon what a society made of it. In other words, geography might affect certain social, economic, and political decisions, but it did not completely cause them. Braudel, on the other hand, saw things differently than his mentor. Among his chief contributions to the legacy of the Annales movement, Fernand Braudel demonstrated that geography helped to shape the social, political, and economic events of human societies. He divided his doctoral thesis The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II (1949), a work of some 600,000 words, into three parts each with a unique approach to understanding change over time. The first and most innovative part dealt with “a history whose passage is almost imperceptible . . . a history in which all change is slow, a history of constant repetition, ever-recurring cycles.” In The Mediterranean, Braudel stressed the importance of the history “of man in his relationship to the environment.” Due to the shared coastal sea climate and its associated economy based on wines and olives, the Mediterranean environment produced a more coherent unity in the geographical region than that of the political boundaries of Europe. What Braudel called “geo-history” revealed a new way of thinking about historical causation and environmental determinism that departed from his mentor’s model where human agency was the primary determinant of social and political action.Although Braudel did not completely advocate a simplistic model of environmental determinism, he did emphasize it as a stronger force than human agency. In his bibliographical essay, Braudel acknowledges his indebtedness to the French geographical school, particularly Vidal de la Blache, as well as to Lucien Febvre for his writings on historical geography including his geographical introduction to his thesis on Philip II and Franche-Comte. Unlike Febvre who saw “structures as enabling as well as constraining,” however, Braudel emphasized the power of environmental determinism over human voluntarism. Burke speculates that this bias towards determinism by the repeated use of portraying man as a “prisoner” to his physical environment may readily be attributed to the fact that much of the writing of The Mediterranean took place while Braudel was imprisoned during World War II. In other words, it makes sense that Braudel saw individual agency as a severely limited, if not impotent, power compared to larger frameworks—including that of the environment—that operate beyond the control of the individual and the collective population. Braudel’s geo-history method became a common model not only in France but also in many other parts of the world. According to Burke, however, American historians did not seem to be significantly influenced by it or receptive to it.
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