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Toussaint is a fascinating historical figure, less known than he should be due, at least in part, to lingering racism in the cannons of revolutionary and political history. Born a slave in Haiti, Toussaint became his owners favorite and was eventually freed. His former master set him up in business and Toussaint became an estate and slave owner himself. His class-status, and its indebtedness to the slave-owners, haunted his political development. When the slaves, inspired by the egalitarian ideology of the Jacobins, began to rise-up, Toussaint sided with the oppressed and freed his own slaves, but demanded that any social change not come at the expense of the ruling class. A brilliant general, he led resistance to imperialist invasion from England and Spain and agreed to come into the fold of French colonialism only when the Jacobins, in part due to the pressure of the Haitian resistance, agreed to abolish slavery in the colonies. In his writings, Toussaint equated freedom and equality in strictly capitalist-republican terms. All humans must be free and equal, but equality was defined as equal access to opportunity to rise in the market economy. The constitution Toussaint conceived is an extraordinary document. In it, Toussaint invented the concepts of associated statehood and truly universal equality. It was the first constitution that allowed for universal suffrage regardless of race or gender! The elected assembly, however, was mostly an advisory body to a near-all-powerful executive who would respect property rights but control almost all aspects of the law and economy... a position constitutionally guaranteed for life to, yes, Toussaint. He required all the poor, mostly the Blacks, to work on the farms of one of the estates, owned mostly by the slaves former masters, albeit for a wage. Toussaints constitution was the first truly egalitarian state document in the world, but it also founded one of the first modern totalitarian states. Toussaint was, perhaps, the first of a particular type of modern political figure. Legitimately concerned with national liberation, his class interests put him at odds with the interests of the majority of his people. He was thus drawn to despotism even in the process of liberating his people from colonialism. For his subjects, surely, he was seen as both the manifestation of their oppression as individuals and liberation as a national people. A fore-runner, perhaps, of such figures as Saddam Hussein and Gaddafi.
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