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Far from the glossy perspectives of some history books, Harshs Taken at the Flood takes excruciating effort to analyze the correspondence of Lee, President Jefferson Davis, and the multitude of Confederate officers involved in the fights at South Mountain, Harpers Ferry, and Antietam. What he uncovers is a strong argument that Lees foray into Maryland--the Souths first incursion into Union territory--was not about trying to obtain foreign recognition, attack cities such as Baltimore or Philadelphia, or even occupy Union lands. Lees invasion of the North was conducted to relieve the pressure on Richmond and grant the lands of Virginia some respite from constant ravaging. By moving into northern land, Lee hoped to panic the Lincoln administration and force the Union army--heavily demoralized and fractured after three months of defeat at Lees hands--to leave the confines of D.C. and give battle. Lee would then maneuver and destroy the weakened Union army. Lee acknowledged that the Souths manpower and resources were already starting to dwindle. Riding the crest of multiple victories since taking over the Army of Northern Virginia, Lee felt that time was running out and that potentially the penultimate opportunity to end the war with one final campaign now presented itself. This campaign could complete the demoralization of the Union army and the northern public and force peace overtures by the Lincoln administration. Harsh reveals Lees campaign plan, however, was far from well thought out. Lee made dangerous assumptions that the Union armies at Harpers Ferry in the Shenandoah Valley, where Lee wanted to establish his supply chain while campaigning in Maryland, would be vacated by the Union soldiers when they discovered Lee maneuvering northwards. The Union armies in the Valley elected to stand and fight, completely disrupting Lees plans, forcing him to divide his army. George McClellan also departed the protective confines of D.C. much earlier than Lee predicted, resulting in heavy fighting at the gaps of South Mountain, where Lees divided army took casualties it couldnt afford. Forced to wait for reunification with his army, Lee relinquished the initiative to McClellan. Pushing his soldiers too much over three months of campaigning resulted in broken and exhausted men, regardless of their high morale. Massive straggling culminated and Lee conceded that it directly contributed to his rebuke at Antietam. Indeed, Harsh pointedly states that Lees obvious offensive mindedness blinded him to crafting a flexible campaign, one that also failed to properly utilize cavalry. After withdrawing from Antietam, Lee boldly maneuvered to resume the offensive by invading Maryland again, this time via Williamsport near Hagerstown. Only McClellans probing at Lees rear jostled the southern commanders realization that his time was up and his campaign was over. His campaign resulted in 31% casualties and the loss of over 50% of his line commanders. One cannot ignore Harshs intriguing assessment of a very aggressive, and not always very tactically brilliant, Robert E. Lee.
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