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Anarchy, State, and Utopia is a philosophical approach to a libertarian conception of society, where the state takes on only the barest minimum of functions, such as enforcement of contractual agreements. His chief aim in expounding this theory is the maximum capacity of rational actors to do as they choose. However tempting such an idea is, Nozicks self-contradictory approach is seriously flawed in an economic sense, where the theorys broad promises dissolve upon contact with reality like a porcelain vase struck by a brick.Nozick begins with an exposition of John Lockes right of property, Kants Categorical Imperative, and the economists of the Austrian School (Friedman, Hayek, etc.). His philosophy is based upon the individuals rights to life, liberty and especially property, and that the state, has absolutely no right of interference to these. No individual may cause harm upon one another, except either for self-defense or punishment for transgressions (whatever those might be). This means that many of the present apparatuses of the state as we know it no longer exist. This means no social welfare apparatus, no public education, no public housing, no labor standards, no food stamps, no child care laws, no environmental regulations, and so on. Police, local militias, maybe fire fighters, and the courts. Thats it. All these functions are to be privatized, or dependent upon philanthropy. For those who do not want to live in this system, and Nozick acknowledges that much, he offers that individuals to move to different local communities on the city-scale which would best suit their own interests and needs. However, this provides no mechanism for what to do if these communities compete with, or overthrow, each other without any oversight. It is similar to corporations competing with, or buying out, each other.Some of his own examples and socials to problems of this new society are patently absurd, or at least contradictory. For example, suppose that another person bought up all the land around yours and demanded exorbitant fees for transit, as was his right. Nozick, using this an example, suggests that you could instead travel by helicopter, being as poor and confined as you are.One of Nozicks most famous examples is that of the basketball player, Kareem Abdul-Jabbar, where he is justifiably paid so much because so many millions of people enjoy watching him play. But what about CEOs or presidents? Are they entitled to give themselves even more pay? What about people who inherit wealth, who have gained wealth simply due to accidents of birth? What about those who are poor? Nozick proposes that we the pricing system is a fair means of quantifying value for labor. What about abstract labor such as services like teaching or medical care? What about the labor of the very poor who are paid the bare minimum? What about corporations who can offer cheap prices due to automation, and the smaller family businesses which are overrun by them? Nozick offers them no answer or comfort.The end result of this system is the one which unabashedly states that Money is Power. (The idea that taxation is theft, as Nozick describes, is one gleefully appropriated by the very wealthy.) The poor get nothing, or at best a few scattered crumbs from the tables of the wealthy called philanthropy. As noble as that aim might be, and as much as I admire those who do have that human spirit within them, it is unfortunately not enough for a systemic means of dealing with all of the poor.It is not a return to an idealized version of the United States. It appeals to Liberty, which sounds all well and good, but ignores the changes of history from the time of Locke and the Founding Fathers, and that liberty can change over time. (Liberty for all, liberty for women, liberty for discriminated minorities).The promise of maximum liberty is no doubt appealing, but unfortunately this is not the way to achieve it. In many instances, it is all well and good to challenge the power of the state. However, this approach consistently ignores the power of money and of corporations as well. If we might make any historical comparison, his approach to politics would lead to the Gilded Age of the first Industrial Revolution, or the age of robber barons and tenements. Those with money have maximum liberty to treat others as they wish, but those without it have nothing. To the rich, it is a promise of freedom, but for those who are already poor, it is only a further shackle.
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