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Book description
Waterfronts are the most confusing and least written-about aspects of American cities. They have been molded by a myriad of modern regulations and ancient common laws, and they have been fundamental to urban economic growth, yet few writers have tried to decipher the unruly mess. This is one of the few comprehensive histories I could find anywhere. Luckily the author is able to make some sense of it all, but still, theres just too damned much to be crammed into one book.One thing I was interested in was the intersection of public and private docks in the colonial and antebellum periods. Who was building what, and for whom? (I have to warn anyone who might read this that the following is mainly to help me to remember the book, and would probably not be interesting to anyone else). The author shows that the earliest piers were built by the Dutch colonial government in 1647 and 1659, and then the Great Dock was constructed by the British Government in 1675. They were public and generally small and required lighterage boats to unload ships and deliver their goods to the short piers. Soon the city began selling waterfront lots to developers, who created a haphazard waterfront line with curvy streets. The passage of the 1789 Outer Streets and Wharves Act allowed the city to straighten South and West Streets, buy back some waterfront lots, and generally bring some order to the waterfront. Still, the private development continued, and in 1824 a private developer, Henry Hall, created the nations first dry dock.In 1855 the state, alarmed at increasing encroachments beyond the 400 foot legal waterline, appointed the New York Harbor Commission, which decided that such prominent landmarks as the Washington Market were illegal usurpers on the public waterway, and required the city to pay off $150,000 to make amends. The city now understood that the waterfronts were still an ungovernable mess.For one, the public/private relationship remained impossibly intricate. Rents from berthed vessels paid for individual pier improvements for both private and city-owned piers, but the state set the wharfage rates for both. Numerous conflicting groups (the Bureau of Wharves, Piers and Slips, the State Board of Commissioners of Pilots, and the City Inspectors of Encumbrances on the Wharves, among others) oversaw the docks, most with multiple overlapping jurisdictions. Also, the state-appointed Captain of the Port, assisted by eleven Harbor masters, decided where ships were to berth, fined boats that didnt debark on time, and fined people who let goods linger on piers and bulkheads, but these decisions mainly affected city and personal property, not state government. No wonder so few people have written about this nonsense, and no wonder the city wanted to reform the chaos.The 1870 City Charter created a new, unified Dock Department, with five appointed Dock Commissioners who had exclusive charge and control of all the waterfront property, public and private, and gave them an annual $3 million limit of dock bonds to buy up the land and reorganize. The Commissioners were generally importers and manufacturers who had an interest in keeping the goods flowing, and they appointed George B. McClellan, the Civil Wars aptly named little Napoleon, as Engineer-in-Chief to reform the land. Besides placing sewer outfalls at the ends of piers so they didnt fill in the slips, and starting the process for the Chelsea Piers (later designed by Warren and Wetmore, of Grand Central Station fame), he too failed to achieve comprehensive reform.Theres much more, taking the waterfront through the debate on Riverside Park in the early 20th century and then the almost apocalyptic Westway confrontation in the 1970s, and most of it is fascinating (if youre a total nerd), but its all discussed at a break-neck speed with far too little context. For so big a subject, the author does a good job, but its just too much.
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