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This isn’t the edition I read. Goodreads seems to have editions of this scattered about like confetti, with zero or maybe one or two ratings for each, and I couldn’t find the one I read. It was a 2-volume edition published for ‘Everyman’s Library’ with an introduction written in 1961 by a fellow named Douglas Jerrold. The only Douglas Jerrold living at that time that I could find on Wikipedia appears to be a well-known British Fascist. I am going to assume that this Douglas Jerrold is not him, but a minor academic who has sunk into obscurity, like I expect to myself one day.A fair few of the Critical and Historical Essays in this book are reviews of books similar to itself- that is, books of the writings of famous historical figures introduced and arranged by clueless people who came along long afterward. Macaulay, before going off to say whatever he feels like saying about the life and thought of the famous politician or litterateur, usually finds some time to rip the introduction by his clueless contemporary to shreds. So I will start by doing the same thing.Jerrold’s introduction, though it contains a great deal of praise, is coloured by a superior ‘modern’ attitude towards Macaulay. ‘His trenchant judgments and generalisation, which must give pause to modern readers...’ ; ‘Had the people taken Macaulay’s advice, as indeed they did, by the large, until nearly the end of the last century, we should by now be living in a state of revolution’; the Essays ‘reflect views that we do not hold today, but largely because we cannot.’ Jerrold says that Macaulay’s sense of English history is ‘blinded by a perverse hatred of the Stuarts and violent prejudice in favour of the English as compared with the other nations of Western Europe’. These assertions of Jerrold’s, and others like them, are made without any explanation of exactly how and why Macaulay was wrong. Consider, for example, this series of non-sequiturs: ‘There is, however, another series of fact which also makes many of Macaulay’s judgments untenable by modern students. Firstly, since these Essays were written, the research of a vast number of historians and archaeologists, mostly in Europe but also in America, have laid bare the structure of prehistory and of the early and mediaeval civilisations of Europe. Secondly, but arising in great part from these discoveries and researches and from the new scientific teachings, the ideological conflict between Christianity and its enemies has entered a wholly new phase and faces all parties to the conflict with entirely new issues.’I cannot see anything in those statements cogent to historical and critical essays that are overwhelmingly about English figures of the 17th and 18th centuries. If Macaulay had been a Protestant Belloc, and every page of the Essays was animated by religious zeal, there might be something in Jerrold’s critique; but the Essays are devoid of religious feeling. Macaulay sees too clearly the follies and crimes of all the religious factions in England since the beginning of the Reformation to show any partisan attachment, and his mild affirmations of Christianity in general mean no more than the mild affirmations of democracy in general that everyone in the West makes nowadays.Macaulay himself admits that future generations will know more than him, with a humility and clarity that is entirely missing from Jerrold’s introduction. Here, have a very long quote, from Macaulay’s essay on Sir James Mackintosh:“Nothing in [these books] has struck us so much as the contempt with which the writer thinks fit to speak of all things that were done before the coming in of the very last fashions in politics. We think that we have sometimes observed a leaning toward the same fault in writers of a much higher level of intellect. We will therefore take this opportunity of making a few remarks on an error which is , we fear, becoming common, and which appears to us not only absurd, but as pernicious as almost any error concerning the transactions of a past age can possibly be.We shall not, we hope, be suspected of a bigoted attachment to the doctrines and practices of past generations. Our creed is that the science of government is an experimental science, and that, like other experimental sciences, it is generally in a state of progression. No man is so obstinate an admirer of the old times as to deny that medicine, surgery, botany, chemistry, engineering, navigation, are better understood now than in any former age. We conceive that it is the same with political science. Like those physical sciences which we have mentioned, it has always been working itself clearer and clearer, and depositing impurity after impurity. There was a time when the most powerful of human intellects were deluded by the gibberish of the astrologer and the alchemist; and just so there was a time when the most enlightened and virtuous statesmen thought it the first duty of a government to persecute heretics, to found monasteries, to make war on Saracens. But time advances; facts accumulate; doubts arise. Faint glimpses of truth begin to appear, and shine more and more unto the perfect day. The highest intellects, like the tops of mountains, are the first to catch and to reflect the dawn. They are bright, while the level below is still in darkness. But soon the light, which at first illuminated only the loftiest eminences, descends on the plain and penetrates to the deepest valley. First come hints, then fragments of systems, then defective systems, then complete and harmonious systems. The sound opinion, held for a time by one bold speculator, becomes the opinion of a small minority, of a strong minority, of a majority of mankind. Thus, the great progress goes on, till schoolboys laugh at the jargon which imposed on Bacon, till country rectors condemn the illiberality and intolerance of Sir Thomas More.Seeing these things, seeing that, by the confession of the most obstinate enemies of innovation, our race has hitherto been almost constantly advancing in knowledge, and not seeing any reason to believe that, precisely at the point of time at which we came into the world, a change took place in the faculties of the human mind, or in the mode of discovering truth, we are reformers : we are on the side of progress. From the great advances which European society has made, during the last four centuries, in every species of knowledge, we inter, not that there is no more room for improvement, but that, in every science which deserves the name, immense improvements may be confidently expected.But the very considerations which lead us to look forward with sanguine hope to the future prevent us from looking back with contempt on the past. We do not flatter ourselves with the notion that we have attained perfection, and that no more truth remains to be found. We believe that we are wiser than our ancestors. We believe, also, that our posterity will be wiser than we. It would be gross injustice in our grandchildren to talk of us with contempt, merely because they may have surpassed us; to call Watt a fool, because mechanical powers may be discovered which may supersede the use of steam ; to deride the efforts which have been made in our time to improve the discipline of prisons, and to enlighten the minds of the poor, because future philanthropists may devise better places of confinement than Mr. Benthams Panopticon, and better places of education than Mr. Lancasters Schools. As we would have our descendants judge us, so ought we to judge our fathers. In order to form a correct estimate of their merits, we ought to place ourselves in their situation, to put out of our minds, for a time, all that knowledge which they, however eager in the pursuit of truth, could not have, and which we, however negligent we may have been, could not help having.It was not merely difficult, but absolutely impossible, for the best and greatest of men, two hundred years ago, to be what a very commonplace person in our days may easily be, and indeed must necessarily be. But it is too much that the benefactors of mankind, after having been reviled by the dunces of their own generation for going too far, should be reviled by the dunces of the next generation for not going far enough.”These are not the words of someone with a blind prejudice in favour of the prevailing sentiments of his place and time, and they are words that it is good for us to keep in mind as we read the rest of what Macaulay has written. (Especially in his extended discourse on the perfidious nature of the Bengali). Of course like any words expressing faith in the potential of the human spirit, they can be derided by small-minded moderns as naively optimistic; but they are true. By any objective measure, not only medicine, surgery, botany, chemistry, engineering and navigation, but political science, are immeasurably better today than in Macaulay’s time. I am sure Macaulay would be happy to see the many new documents that have come to light since his time that give a different perspective on the events of the 17th century, and would accept the considered opinion of authorities that many of the sources he relied on uncritically were unreliable: but his judgments against the Stuarts, and in favour of the English nation, rest on firmer foundations. Like the troubles of this proud and angry dust, they are of eternity, and shall not fail.Jerrold appears to be a species of cosmopolitan multilateralist, eager to diminish the importance of English civilisation:‘We have moved into a world dominated by new forces. The age of imperialism is over; the age of property as the buttress of the power of a class is over. The heirs of the Empires are struggling to emerge from the confusion that still threatens to engulf Asia and Africa. To those who have experienced and still live among the innumerable perils of the mid-twentieth century, Macaulay’s deliberate judgment, for instance, that the Great Rebellion was one of the most memorable conflicts in the history of mankind, directly affecting the destinies of the whole human race, is a judgment that, quite frankly, no one can accept today.’From 2014 these assertions of 1961 appear more dated than the assertions of 1835. We have seen a new imperialism, where the interests of a hegemonic English-speaking nation are promoted relentlessly everywhere; we see property everywhere the buttress of the power of a ruling class – more fluid than the ruling class of 1835, but still a class. We see the great struggle of the world is still a contest between classical Liberalism and it enemies; and we see the strongest proponents of the values of classical Liberalism in the Anglosphere, in those countries whose commitment to the values of the ‘Enlightenment’ stems in a very real way from the Great Rebellion. The Great Rebellion was unquestionably one of the great turning points in human history. I can accept that today perfectly well. Maybe if I had lived back in 1961 I wouldn’t have been able to. I dunno.One of Macaulay’s more entertainingly trenchant essays is a takedown of an otherwise forgotten book, Robert Southey’s Colloquies. Here is another quote which I think beautifully describes an inordinate number of opinionators one meets nowadays:“Now in the mind of Southey reason has no place at all, as either leader or follower, as either sovereign or slave. He does not seem to know what an argument is. He never uses arguments himself. He never troubles himself to answer the arguments of his opponents. It has never occurred to him, that a man ought to be able to give some better account of the way in which he has arrived at his opinions than merely that it is his will and pleasure to hold them. It has never occurred to him that there is a difference between assertion and demonstration, that a rumour does not prove a fact, that a single fact, when proved, is hardly foundation enough for a theory, that two contradictory propositions cannot be undeniable truths, that to beg the question is not the way to settle it, or that when an objection is raised, it ought to be met with something more convincing than ‘scoundrel’ and ‘blockhead’.”Macaulay demolishes the vacuous twaddle of Southey’s Colloquies, quoting real statistics about the well-being of real human beings against Southey’s sentimental lament for Merrie Olde England; and Jerrold leaps to Southey’s defense, calling Macaulay’s application of quantitative thought and rational argument ‘several pages of rhetorical special pleading.’Anyhow, enough about Jerrolds introduction. What about Macaulays Essays?If this review was one of the Essays, I would go on for another ten thousand words, but instead I will be brief. From here Macaulay looks like the top of one of those sunlit mountains he talks about, far away across the darkling plain of stupidity that is the 20th century and the latter part of the 19th. He writes rationally, with controlled passion, with surgical wit. The way he writes, the things he choses to write about, remind me strongly of Chesterton; but instead of a flippant disregard for details, he is a pedant’s pedant, with a dogged insistence on getting dates and places correct. As a pedant myself, patriarch of a clan of pedants, I recognise him as a master, and salute him much as Alice Cooper was saluted in ‘Wayne’s World’. If you read this book, no matter how well-read you are, you will encounter innumerable people, places, and events that you have never heard of, assumed by Macaulay as part of the mental furniture of his readers. This is good for putting us moderns in our place. Furthermore, compared to the crassness of the ages that went before and came after, the time Macaulay wrote in was uncommonly mild and prudish; it seems to have been the ‘Peak Nice’ of English civilisation. This is also a good mental atmosphere for us moderns to visit.
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